CT 275 

.F68 b6 

1920 




Book_IEx~Et£. 



Co|(yiig!itN _H£idL _ 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT. 




By FRANK BONVILLE 




-<$> 



(Electric Railway Service, Feb. 23, 1917.) 



Brother Evening &ew* r tn tfce following 

few quotations, 

You lay great labored stress upon the gross 
profits of the Detroit United Railway for 1916. . . . 
. . . Did the News make any similiar use of its 
1916 profits 

What is your honest judgment when scanning 
the milk in your nut — that is, the scores and scores 
of columns of advertising matter appearing daily — 
as to the value of this advertising to the people 
compared to the value they receive daily in the use 
of our street cars? 

Do you suppose the people are so silly as not 
to know their way to the grocery and the butcher 
shop and the dry goods store without contributing 
to you many hundreds of dollars every year to tell 
them the way? 

Were this advertising expense cut out would 
they not be economically just that many hundreds 
of thousands of dollars to the good? 

Is not this advertising business in the main 
pure "bunk"? 

Would you mind telling the common people 
how much you got out of it last year? 



And what you did with the money ? 



^> _ — <S> 






Wi)at i>enrj> Jf orb 
3s Bouts 



BY FRANK BONVILLE 



This book will not be handled in bookstores or 
newsstands. Territory will be open to house to 
house solicitors and public speakers. No one will 
be given exclusive right. 

The price of this book paper bound is $1.00 
and clothbound $1.50; leather bound $3.00. Paper 
bound books in lots of ten or more will be 60 cents; 
cloth bound books in lots of ten or more will be $1.10; 
in lots of ten or more for the leather bound book 
the price will be $2.60. 

Postage paid to all parts of the world on single 
copies only. 

Post office order for the amount must accompany 
orders. 



lil|l|K!Mi!ffliiiaiillil^ 

PUBLISHED BY 

BUREAU OF INFORMATION 

Post Office Box 432, 
Seattle, Wash. 




♦ 



71 



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4&$> 



Copyrighted 1920. 
By Frank Bonville. 



EB 19 1920 



1CI.A5 6191 2 



\ 



AN EXPLANATION 



The public is entitled to some explanation concerning my reason 
for entitling the book "WHAT HENRY FORD IS DOING" and why 
it was advisable to print the quotations of well-known men and women, 
some of them being from years back. 

The readers are given an opportunity to acquaint themselves with 
the predictions as outlined in many of the quotations, thus enabling 
them to reason out for themselves whether or not they were practical. 
This also applies to various quotations from numerous papers and 
magazines. 

It is my purpose to familiarize the people with the stand taken 
by Mr. Ford before and after the WORLD WAR, thereby placing 
them in a position to judge as to the soundness of his philosophy. 
We have printed more details and facts regarding Mr. Ford than 
cf any other individual and therefore deem it good logic to en- 
title the book as above mentioned. 

I discovered during my investigation, which covered fifty thou- 
sand miles and lasted a pericd of three and a half years, that Mr. 
Ford was misunderstood by a large percentage of the working class, 
this being the natural result of misleading propaganda circulated over 
the country through the subsidized press. He was also misunder- 
stood by his representatives and stockholders in the company at that 
time, referring back to the year of 1916-17, which was easily com- 
prehended during the Ford & Dodge trial in Detroit, Michigan, which 
1 attended. I found among a percentage of his close business as- 
sociates that many of them were directly opposed to his principles 
r.nd did a.\\ in their power to hinder the progress of the great work 
he has in mind. Whether this was done intentionally or not I am 
not prepared to say. 

It would take a book of several thousand pages to do justice 
to my investigation and the experiences encountered at the Ford 
Plant, the Ford & Dodge trial, and numerous other large gatherings 
of workers, and to counteract the falsehoods and misrepresentations 
concerning Henry Ford, which have been propagated, and also con- 
cerning the Industrial Workers of the World, of which I became 
aware while engaged in this investigation. 

Therefore, for the time being, let us use to the best ad- 
vantage the facts contained in this book. 

FRANK BONVILLE. 



INTRODUCTION 



Henry Ford is a thinker. He is more than that, — he is a 
"doer". Henry Ford is not the only great manufacturer with a 
clear vision and high ideals, but, so far as I have been able to 
learn, he is the only American manufacturer who has dared to at- 
tempt to practice in his business those ethics which a normal con- 
science dictates as just and right. 

With him it is merely a question of simple justice between man 
and man. He holds, I should say, to the doctrine that every man 
is entitled to the full fruits of his honest toil, and to nothing more; 
and as nearly as can be done under the economic system which now 
prevails he follows the logical path of that doctrine; and his vision 
is fixed upon a finer, nobler type of democracy than the world has 
thus far known, a democracy under which the purest essence of 
freedom shall be the birth-right of every citizen; a democracy of 
industrial equality as well as political equality. 

Hence the title of this book, "What Henry Ford is Doing." 

There exists no gulf between men who hold to and honestly 
work for the same ideals. This is a lesson that some of us need 
to learn ere solidarity can become an accomplished fact. I know 
a millionaire who would, I verily believe, give all of his millions 
to-morrow cheerfully, gladly, could he by that means bring about 
industrial democracy. I know a working man whose pantry is as 
bare as "Old Mother Hubbards," whose hands are hard as granite 
from wea: y years of toil, whose back is as crooked as a scythe 
handle from the burdens his shoulders have known, and he loves 
nothing better than to sing the praises of the system which has 
broken him; unions he abhors; strikes are anathema to him. The 
point I would make is this: The cause of the laboring man has 
friends outside as well as inside the ranks of labor. It has enemies 
inside as well as outside of its ranks. The working man who cov- 
ets the larger wages of a more skilled brother worker and who 
would pull him clown or betray him simply because his day's wage 
is larger, possesses exactly the same psychology as does the so- 
callrcl capitalist who worships at the shrine of Mammon. And the 
capitaMst who steps into the ranks of labor and fights for a bet- 
ter order of things is entitled to recognition as a member in good 
standing of the great Brotherhood of Men. 

Pray do not misunderstand what I have said. Labor must look 
to labor for its own salvation; yet let us be broad minded about 



it, remembering' that labor represents all but a very small percentage 
of the population of the world and that therefore it behoves Labor 
in its great awakening to be at once wise and generous, and it is 
neither wisdom nor generosity to disdain the hand that is held out 
in a true spirit of friendship, or to ignore the good work of friends 
who labor for Humanity's cause outside of Labor's immediate ranks. 

Let all friends of true democracy stand side by side and push 
forward undiscouraged, for the light shines just ahead. Let us, 
fully conscious of the justice of our own demands, and having meas- 
ured well the blustering strength of the bully who opposes us, take 
up the gage and wage unremitting war with the weapons of reason 
and enlightenment, steadfast in the knowledge that humanity's day 
is at hand. 

We must not, we will not, permit ourselves to be robbed by 
a handful of capitalists whose minds, distempered by visions of un- 
dreamed of power, in their super-cunning would set worker against 
worker with a subsidized press and paid agents whose propaganda 
is carried on under the cloak of "patriotism," "democracy," "Amer- 
icanism," etc., and who seek to damn the cause of Labor by apply- 
ing to its loyal leaders and supporters such epithets as "I. W. 
W.," "Bolshevik", "Communist", etc., epithets which, emanating from 
such a source, should perhaps be accepted as titles of honor rather 
than of shame. 

To the friends of Labor everywhere, in whatever class or oc- 
cupation they may be found, this book is lovingly dedicatel. 

FRANK BONVILLE. 




This illustration, which was 
taken from the "Cosmopolitan," 
January, 1917, gives an idea of the 
hard thinking that Mr. Ford must 
be doing at times in order to de- 
vise some way to spend this wave 
of wealth which is daily flowing 
in. We are positive that he is 
doing all that he can to place this 
income where it will do the most 
good in general to humanity. 



The Bureau of Information is publishing the letter following, 
written by Mr. Michael Vicari, one of Mr. Ford's secretaries, to 
show the co-operation given Mr. Bonville in his work for humanity: 

"I have had the pleasure of becoming personally acquainted with 
Mr. Frank Bonville, through his continual visits to Mr. Ford's Peace 
Office. My object is to convince the people that the remarks of 
Bonville are genuine. * * * I met Bonville August 2, 1916. He 
was admitted to the office, after stating that his business w r as with 
Mr. Theodore Delavigne, Mr. Ford's Peace Secretary. * * * Bon- 
ville and myself had a very pleasant chat which lasted about an 
hour. Our main topics were Peace and Preparedness, and it was very 
plainly seen that my visitor was well versed on the subject. * * * 
Mr. Delavigne asked if I could locate Mr. Ford, and in a few min- 
utes I had him at the office. It was at this moment that Mr. Bon- 
ville and Mr. Ford met. * * * I took up the opportunity to show 
Mr. Bonville through the big Tractor Plant. In a little w T hile he 
came back to the office; then Mr. Bonville and Mr. Delavigne motored 
to the city. I have had the pleasure of arranging many dates for 
Mr. Delavigne and Mr. Bonville after that. 

"MICHAEL VICARI, 
"Assistant to Theodore Delavigne." 



"SAFETY, HEALTH, BETTER LIVING,' 
For Ford Employes. 



(Extracts from Pamphlet No. 18.) 

No man, however poor, has even an excuse for being dirty. Ford 
men, especially, should be clean and neat. If your teeth are in 
bad condition go to a dentist 

It is almost impossible to be dirty and healthy at the same 
time 

Remember a clean mouth goes a long way towards making 
friends for you. 

To learn the value of money try to borrow some. A dollar 
looks small enough when you borrow it, but it grows when you have 
to pay it back 

If you must borrow money, know where you are coming out. 
Don't get into the grasp of a lean shark ,who robs you with high 
interest 



(From Mr. Ford's Own Page of Dearborn Independent Weekly.) 

". . . Why fear change . . . change can only hit those matters 
which ought to be changed for the better ... is that a change to 
be dreaded? . . . Why should not wealth minister to all the peo- 
ple? . . . No one will be hurt in the good changes . . . even the 
idle nobleman . . . Get the gambling aristocrats and the capital- 
ists to work ... A capitalist doesn't work at all . . . his money 
works for him . . . Unless we in our industries are helping to solve 
the social problem, we are not doing our principal work . . ." 



A FEW OF FORD'S REMARKS 



Everyone has some good in him and can do something well . . . 
Most people don't think enough. . . . Don't ever be afraid of criti- 
cism. . . We want to take care of today. ... I will manufacture 
this tractor in millions and sell it for the price of scrap iron. We 
hold that a man has a right to the value of what he produces. . . . 
The Ford plant borrows no money from banks. What I want to do 



is to make the farmer as independent as I am. . . . Charity takes 
more than it gives. ... I practice no charity. I give nothing for 
which I do not receive compensation. A two-cent stamp, rightly used, 
will hold in the hands of the people the ruling power. The statement 
made that prohibition will throw thousands out of employment is 
an absolute misstatement. I shall expect the sneers and condemna- 
tions of those whose business is war and of those who profit 
by war. . . . 

I am going to make a car so cheap that every working man 
can have one. ... I believe that I can put those steel-trust fellows 
out of business. ... I ran for senator ... I did not get elected, 
but it taught me how those fellows carry elections . . . those who 
want war. They are the same bunch all over the world. I carried 
the State of Michigan, but they counted me out, and I am going 
to prove just how they did it. I have ninety men at work in- 
vestigating. . . . 

I am going to print the truth. I am going to tell who makes 
war and how the game of rotten politics is worked. I am going 
to tell them to get the idle land into use . . ." 



(The Detroit Journal, November 3, 1916.) 

Ford Plans Held Wind . . . Stamping the ambitious 

plans of Henry Ford stockholders ask the court to 

name receiver to conduct the affairs of the Ford Corporation 

Henry Ford .... tells of his intention to spend huge sums of 
money in the purchase of iron mines in the Upper Peninsula, and 
in the buying or establishing of a great fleet of steamships for ex- 
clusive use in transporting the products of the mines to Detroit for 
the use in the manufacture of steel in the River Rouge smelters. 
They declare the idea unsafe "in the face of increased labor and 
material costs and the uncertain conditions that will prevail in the 
business world at the conclusion of the war." 



(Ford Times, January, 1917.) 

. . . Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the "Isles of the Seven 
Seas," which are a part of the great British Empire, while not feel- 
ing the flame of war at home, have been contributing the best of 
their manhood on the altars. War is costly, not only in human lives 
but in material things which go to make munitions — rifles, swords, 
bayonets, cannon, battleships, airplanes, powder, shells, bullets, etc. 



Billions of dollars by reason of the above causes are literally 
being poured into the United States 

Can we be proud of our prosperity? Have we reason to wish 
and work for further wealth so earned? 

Would we not be wise in bending every possible effort to prove 
to the warring nations that our neutrality was not valuable because 
of the money? 

How can we take to ourselves "A Happy and Prosperous New 
Year" in the presence of the shadows which surround us? 



Maybe you don't think your judgment is good, but offer it any- 
how. One mistake may sharpen your wits. 



Strike while the iron is hot — but wait for your temper to cool. 



Right thinking is the first step toward right doing. 



HENRY FORD AND SON UNHAMPERED 



Own 89 Per Cent of Stock as Result of Big Deal Completed 
Today — Dodge Brothers Sell. 



. . . Edsel B. Ford, 25-year-old president of the company, be- 
comes with the exception of one other stockholder the sole partner 
with his father, Henry Ford, in the corporation. This announce- 
ment was made here today by Frank L. Klingensmith, vice-president 
and general manager of the company. 

Mr. Klingensmith announced that purchase had been arranged 
of all the minority stock excepting a block held by James Couzens, 
millionaire mayor of Detroit and former vice-president of the 
company. ... 

. . . The minority stock bought in included that of John F. and 
Horace E. Dodge, heads of the Dodge Motor Company. . . . 

. . . Edsel Ford, president of the Ford Motor Company, stated 

10 



that the new stock purchase means that there will be no new auto- 
mobile company formed as had been planned by the Ford family 
and announced in California last March. 

Wages, he raid, would be increased from time to time . . . . 
that a $7 minimum would be put in effect soon. . . . The Ford family 
now holds 89 per cent. 



(Detroit Journal, July 24, 1917.) 

Ford halted in 150 million peace gift, asserts Italy. Rome, 
July 24. — America's war declaration intervened to stop a contri- 
bution of $150,000,0C0 by Henry Ford to Socialists to secure peace, 
according to the Socialist Deputy Morgari, back from Stockholm today. 



(The Detroit Journal, Nov. 15, 1916.) 

. . . John F. and Horace E. Dodge sought to compel Henry 
Fold to buy the i:tcck holdings in the Ford Motor Company for 
f;: 5,000,000 under the lash of threat to harass him in whatever he 
undertook to do for the concern if he refused, was the flat state- 
ment ... en the stand in the suit to prevent him from expending 
the company's immense surplus in extensions instead of dividing it 
among stockholders 

Mr. Foid. "If you sat there until you were petrified, I wouldn't 
buy the Dodge stock " 

"Who asked you to buy the Dodge stock?" asked the lawyer. 

"They did themselves. They called me in January and asked 
me to come and have a talk with them. I went over to their place, 
and then they asked me to buy them out. They put a price of 
v35,000,0C0 en their stock, and they told me unless I bought they 
would harass me in anything I tried to do " 



FORD SMILES AT TAUNTS OF FIREY LAWYER 



(The Detroit News, Nov. 15, 1916.) 
Can't Keep Profits Down, He Tells . . . 

Only Cnce Does Motor King Show Signs of Losing Tempei 

11 



Counsel for Dodge cross-examining Mr. Ford from 10 to 4. At 
that hour . . . Mr. Ford on leaving the stand, smiled and said: 

"I haven't had such a rest for a long while " 

"I'm working for fun and for the greatest good of the greatest 
number " 

"Do you consider it your duty to provide work for a vast 
army of men at high wages, to make more cars at less prices, to 
enable everybody to have an automobile ? . . ." 

Mr. Ford — "Any time I have to squeeze every possible cent out 
of the public, I won't. I'll go to the highest court in the land first. 
Proceeding on the principles I have stated you can't help but make 
money. It will just roll in on you " 

"When you reduced the prices of your cars from $440 to $360, 
a reduction of $80 on each car, did you take into account that that 
would mean a reduction in the selling prices of $40,000,000 on a half 
million cars?" 

"I did not. We don't figure that way. We take everything 
into consideration." 

"You say you didn't figure that that would reduce the selling 
price of the production by $40,000,000?" 

"Yes." 

"How much money did the plant make during August and Sep- 
tember, the two months after the price went into effect?" 

"$3,600,000." .... 

"Is it true, as the News quoted you, that you think the profits 
of last year were too high; that you wanted to reduce the price? 
And that that was the reason for the price reduction? Won't your 
conscience let you make such awful profits?" 

"Conscience has nothing to do with it. It isn't good business 
to maintain a price higher than is necessary." 

"Then you don't want such large profits?" 

"We haven't been able to keep the profits down." .... 



(The Detroit News, Jan. 13, 1917.) 

"Ford sowed the seed 
He made it grow 
This you all know. 

At first, it failed to grow, 
The Dodges helped to hoe, 
But that was long ago. . . . 



12 



(The Detroit News, May 21, 1917.) 

. . . Suit to stop Motor King .... the final hearing which 
will determine the fate of Henry Ford's policy of expansion, increased 

output, big wages, and lower prices on his product The fight 

has not only taken the principals into court, but before the state 
legislature, where Dodge Brothers failed 

Mr. Ford is represented by Alfred Lucking. 



(The Detroit News, May 26, 1917.) 

. . . Ford plant too small says . . . Harold Wills, Ford factory 
manager, in the Ford-Dodge suit 

On his direct examination, Mr. Wills testified that there never 
has been enough room at the Ford plant to supply the demand; that 
the company could have sold 100,000 trucks and 100,000 closed cars 
last year if it had had them. . . . 

"There are a good many parts now bought outside that could 
be produced cheaper by us," he said. "On one bolt, on which we 
began manufacture last year, we saved $500,000. . . . 



(Detroit Times, May 24, 1917.) 

John F. Dodge . . . in . . . court ... on cross-exam- 
ination . . . admitted that he had opposed the proposal to give the 
workmen in the Ford plant a $5-a-day wage 



MR. FORD'S OWN PAGE 



(The Dearborn Independent, May 24, 1919.) 

. . . There is one thing that can be said about "menial" jobs 
that cannot be said about a great many so-called more responsible 
jobs, and that is, they are useful and they are respectable and they 
are honest. 

Did you ever see dishonest callouses on a man's hand? Hardly. 
When men's hands are calloused and women's hands are worn, you 
may be sure that Honesty is there. That's more than you can say 
:.bout many soft, white hands! . . . 

13 



. . . The "hand-worker" has at last come into his own, and even 
measured by the financial rewards he is on a higher plane than many 
a so-called "head-woiker." Many a man wears a white collar who 
isn't earning what a grimy handed worker is paid today. 

It is a terrible thing that we are ever allowed this false idea 
to belittle the nobility of hand-work? Why, hand-work keeps the 
world going 



(Taken from the same page.) 

... In the United States there are 2,253,000 farms under 50 
acres; 1,439,000 between 50 and 100 acres; 1,516,000 between 100 
and 175 acres; and 1,153,000 farms of over 175 acres each. 



(The Detroit News, Sept. 24, 1916.) 

No. 1535, formerly of Marquette Prison, has been added to the 
500 ex-convicts ... at the Ford plant. . . Henry Ford, en route 
from Chicago to Detroit, read the story. ... He set his agents to 
work. . . . Real tears glistened in the eyes of No. 1535 as he told 
of his good fortune. . . . He said "I think everybody should know 
what this man is doing for men." 



SAYINGS OF MR. HENRY FORD 



(From the Chicago Herald.) 

The difference between me and a capitalist is that I earn my 
living honestly. A capitalist loans out his money, collects the in- 
terest, and lets the other fellow do the work. 



(Union Record, July 18, 1919. 

. . . Hats off to Henry Ford for admitting it! "I was a mur- 
derer," he says, "the same as everyone else. I manufactured muni- 
tions to kill men!" Yes, Henry did it. He did it for his country. 
He did it, we assume, because, he believed that under the circum- 
stances, it was the only thing to do . . . War is murder. . . . Henry 
Ford, we fear, will not be popular with many of our profiteers and 
munition-makers who have kept on soothing their consciences by 
religion and patriotism while the price of steel went up on account 
of the deaths in Europe. . . . 

14 



(Taken from Ford's Guide, 1916.) 

. . . What do we mean by success ? We have a way of saying of 
this or that person: "He has made a great success of his life," or 
"He has been a great success." 

Not one in a thousand stops to analyze just what SUCCESS 
means. 

Too often the appraisal that the average American puts upon 
a man's success is purely a monetary one. A man's success is 
measured by the size of his income or by the amount of his in- 
herited wealth. But this is not a safe basis for estimating real 
success. 

Success is born of effort and an honest desire to promote the 
welfare of mankind in general. Success is the offspring often of 
a dream; of the untiring application of midnight toil; of the vision- 
ary who would like to see his fellow beings a little better morally 
or more comfortable physically. . . . 

How often is the man of dreams lightly called a fool ? How 
often is the lover of humanity straining every effort to put man- 
kind upon a higher plane, disposed of with unctuous finality as 
being a little "cracked." 



(Union Record, July 26, 1919.) 

FORD NOT ONLY ONE WHO SAID WAR IS MURDER. Great 
Men in History Were of the Same Opinion. Bishop Testifies in Ford 
Libel Suit. Upholding of War Is the Cause of War, Is Testimony — 

The expression "War is murder" was not original with Henry 
Ford . . . the expression was used by Carlyle, Emerson and other 
writers . . . Bishop Williams said the belief of pacifists and socialists 
coincides with Ford's statement. . . . 



(Extract From Ford Guide.) 
. . . Man cannot live to himself alone. He must have com- 
pany, friends, companions, helpers and dependents if he is to get 
tne most out of his life. . . . 

And keep thinking. Don't allow your mind to be idle. Smile 
while you work and keep thinking how you can make things better. 
Catch the significance of this remark by Henry Ford: "Don't ever 
forget that welfare of any business and welfare of individual work- 
ers are as closely related as cause and effect. . . ." 

15 



SEATTLE UNION RECORD Murch 6. 1919 



JNION RECORD Murch 6. 1919 

TO WHOM IT May concern 




16 



BRIBERY CHARGED TO NEWBERRY IN 
SENATE ELECTION 



Grand Jury Indictment Names 133 Others With Victor Over Henry 
F or( j — May Inv.olve $1,000,000 — Country Editor Said to Have Re- 
ceived Tons of Paper, and One Candidate $50 a Week. 



(Post-Intelligencer, Seattle, Sunday, November 30, 1919.) 
Grand Rapids, Mich., Nov. 29. — Tinman H. dewberry, United 
States Senator from Michigan, was indicted by a United States Grand 
Jury today for corruption, fraud and conspiracy in connection with the 
election by which he obtained his seat in the Senate, defeating Henry- 
Ford, his Democratic opponent. 

134 Are Accused 

With Newberry, 133 other persons were indicted by the Grand 
Jury on the same charge. The names of all but twelve most promi- 
nent were withheld from publication by Judge C. W. Sessions, pre- 
siding, until warrants could have been served on them. Among those 
named were H. A. Hopkins, St. Clair, Mich., principal legislative 
clerk of the United States Senate; John C. Newberry, brother of the 
senator, Detroit, and Paul H. King, of Detroit. King was manager 
of the Newberry campaign committee. 

Defendants Named 

The others named were: Allan A. Templeton, of Detroit, presi- 
dent of the Newberry committee; Frederick Smith, Detroit, manager 
of the Newberry estate; Charles A. Floyd, Detroit; M. P. McKee, De- 
troit; Judd Yelland, Escanaba, Mich; Milton Oakman, Detroit, for- 
merly county clerk of Wayne County, and Harry O. Turner, Detroit; 
Frank McKay, of Grand Rapids; J. B. Bradley, Eaton Rapids, Mich., 
and Gladston Bettie, Paw Paw, Mich. 

$1,000,000 Involved 

Judge Sessions indicated that the evidence before the Grand Jury 
discloses the fraudulent expenditure of between $500,000 and $1,000,- 
000 in connection with the election. 

Blanket Warrants Issued 

Two blanket warrants were returned dealing with the primary 
and election campaigns of 1918, in which Henry Ford was Senator 
Newberry's chief opponent. 

17 



The first indictment charged that both federal and state laws 
were violated in that sums far in excess of legitimate expenses were 
used in the* campaigns. 

There were six counts in the first indictment. The first four were 
devoted to charges of excess campaign expenditures. The fifth al- 
leged conspiracy to violate the federal Corrupt Practices Act of Oc- 
tober, 1918, which penalizes payment of money to voters. The sixth 
count, to which Frank C. Dailey, special assistant to the attorney gen- 
eral, attaches especial significance, alleges that the mails were used 
"to defraud all the people of the state of Michigan." 

"All Voters Defrauded" 

This sixth count charged that not only were all voters of the 
state defrauded, but that honest campaign contributors were also vic- 
tims in that they were misled into believing that the legal limits of 
expenditures had not been exceeded. It also charged that more thai* 
$100,000 of the contributed funds were converted to the own use off 
some of the campaign managers. 

The sixth count also contained a clause charging that James 
Helm, former state dairy and food commissioner, and opponent of 
Henry Ford in the Democratic primary, received from the Newberry 
organization funds for his compensation and expenses in seeking 
nomination to said office of senator, at the primary, the alleged pur- 
pose being to aid the Newberry cause by preventing Democratic votes 
from lining up with Ford in the Republican primary. 

Thirty-Eight Overt Acts Alleged 

In a list of thirty-eight "overt acts" attached to the indictments 
was an accusation that Helm's "compensation" for his candidacy was 
$50 a week. 

These thirty-eight alleged overt acts were charged against four- 
teen men and carried accusations of having given rewards ranging 
from promises of "a good job" to payments of sums varying from 
$5 to $2,750 as returns for support or activity in the Newberry cam- 
paign. One country editor is alleged to have received a ton of print- 
ing paper. 

The extreme penalty which may be imposed under the indictments 
is a fine of $10,000 and two years' imprisonment. 

Scandal Without Parallel 

Government officials asserted that the testimony presented to the 
Grand Jury had revealed a political scandal that in many respects 
was without parallel in American annals. They said it extended from 
the most populous wards of Detroit to the Indian reservations on the 

18 



shoves of Lake Superior, where aborigines were voted according to the 
behest of the Newberry campaign organization. It was alleged that 
voters were bribed, election boards corrupted, editors subsidized and 
moving picture theaters bought up in the endeavor to defeat Henr;r 
Ford, first in the primaries of both parties, and later when he had 
won the Democratic nomination itself. 

Officials were a bit secretive as to how the alleged conspiracy wa;- 
uncovered but a general outline of their methods was made available. 
A corps of investigators were sent into the state under direction of 
Earl J. Houck, who with Frank C. Dailey, special assistant to the at- 
torney general, was a central figure in the election fraud cases of 
Terre Haute, Indianapolis, Evansville and Frankfort, Indiana. These, 
beginning in 1915, resulted in some 200 convictions. 

Dailey and Houck came to Michigan last August. Bank records 
were inspected and the visitors' lists of safety deposit vaults gone 
over. With the tally of these as a starter, the investigators were 
sent out. They visited "small fry" politicians first, offering them 
vague hints of what might come from a mythical campaign of a cer- 
tain Michigan politician. Objections to small returns were followed 
by "confidential" comparisons with the Newberry campaign. 



LANE EXCORIATES WAR PROFITEERS 



(Union Record, June 24, 1919.) 

. . . W. D. Lane, council president, in a speech before a crowded 
chamber. . . "It is said that I expressed sympathy for Wells and 
Sadler. . . As to Wells, I do not think that either he or his friends 
were asking any sympathy from me. . . . 

"... I sincerely believe that an injustice had been done him. . . . 

". . . Abraham Lincoln in unmeasured terms condemned the 
judgment of the highest court of the land in the Died Scott case. 
Was he therefore un-American? . . . 

". . . The meeting which I addressed, so far as I know, took no 
action or made any formal protest, but since then there has been 
held a meeting which did do so. The State Federation of Labor, w T hich 
we are assured by the conservative newspapers has been saved from 
radicalism, sent Wells and others a telegram in which they said they 
believed that he was in jail for championing the cause of labor. The 
federation, I believe, states it too broadly, but that which lends some 
color to such statements is that those whose actions most endangered 
our success in the war have not even been prosecuted. Those who 
took advantage of their country's necessities to demand two and three 
times their usual profits, whose patriotism refused to function ex- 
cept as stimulated by unusual dividends, who sold inferior clothing 

19 



and food for the use of the boys who were fighting their battles and 
ours, and demanded the highest prices for it; those who speculated 
in food products and piled up millions while the American people wert* 
making the most heroic sacrifices, this is the kind of citizens who were 
the greatest menace in the great crisis, and they are not in jail or 
in any fear of going to jail, and a lot of people who claim to be 
100 per cent American have not a word to say, and are even willing 
to pick up the crumbs that fall from the table. 

"Soldiers Getting Wise 

"Some day the returned soldier will find out who his real friends 
were and are. He will learn who it was that really stabbed him 
in the back. Some of them know it now. They will learn that some- 
of those who were loudest in their professions were working against 
justice being done to the returned man. While some of those who 
would now condemn me were working against the Lamping Bill, I 
was supporting it. 

"The more than 700 delegates to the State Federation of Labor 
have declared their belief that Wells is unjustly imprisoned. What 
is your answer to be ? Call them all un-American ? Had I addressed 
the State Federation of Labor, which holds this opinion about Wells, 
would I then have been guilty of conduct unbecoming an American 
citizen, even though I myself had accepted without criticism the judg- 
ment of the court? 

"In fact, there is no good reason why the council should take of- 
ficial cognizance of my private acts." 



(Dearborn Independent, June 21, 1919.) 

. . . Get the people into the country, get them into communities 
where a man knows his neighbor, where there is a commonality of 
interest, where life is not artificial, and you have solved the City 
Problem. You have solved it by eliminating the City. City life was 
always artificial and cannot be made anything else. An artificial 
form of life breeds its own disorders, and these cannot be "solved.'" 
There is nothing to do but abandon the course that gives rise to them. 

There is nothing impossible or unusual -in this. We have seen 
in our own day cities spring up in a month. Well, if our people should 
be made free of the soil in their own country, you would see whole 
cities shrink to nothing in the same length of time. 

Nothing can long exist that is not self-sustaining. The City is 
not self-sustaining. No American City — and we are the best fortified 
in the world in this respect — could survive, without suffering, a single 
week's interruption in the traffic in supplies from the farm. 

The farm is self-sustaining. The City can serve the farm with 

20 



regard to conveniences, but not with essentials. Essentially, the farm 
is complete within itself. 

The City has exercised its illicit charm to draw to itself the very 
people on whose devotion to the art of agriculture it depends for 
its livelihood. As a result of this overgrowth of the City at the 
expense of the farm, the City is now finding it hard to live. When 
the City is driven out to get food, it must go to the farm. And that 
is where it is going now. 



ADDRESS OF JOHN HAYNES HOLMES 



Various thoughts come into our minds as we consider the prob- 
lem which has brought us together within this place tonight. First 
<>f all Russia .... Which has endured for. 18 months — who have at- 
tempted single handed and thus far successfully, a task of creative 
statesmanship unparalleled in history, and who hold in their keeping 1 
this day the trust, the affection and the eager hope of more than 
80 per cent of the Russian people. ... I am here to ask that the 
Russian people be left alone to work out their own destiny in their 
own way. I am here to plead that the Russian people, with whom 
I have no quarrel, be given sympathy and help in preserving the 
liberties which they have so heroically achieved. I am here to de- 
mand, in your name and my own, that the revolution be not delayed. 

It seems strange that in this country, or in any of the allied 
countries, it should be necessary to argue that free Russia be given 
justice. The Allies, we are told, were fighting in the late war, for 
Democracy; and we know that this was so, because if you doubt it, 
you were promptly sent to jail. . . . 

. . . Again, it is said that the Allies must interfere in Russia, 
because the Bolsheviki do not represent the Russian people. Who 
says ihal they do not represent the Russian people? Is it America, 
with her stranglehold on Costa Rica, San Domingo and Nicaragua? 
Is it France, which has just seized the Saar Valley, with its German 
population? Is it Japan, which saps the life-blood of Korea, and 
robs China of the 40,000,000 in the Shantung Peninsula? Or is it, 
perhaps, England with her 300 years' record of popular government 
in Ireland ? What evidence is there that the Bolsheviki do not rep- 
resent the Russians? I will stake my life on the fact that they 
represent more of the Russian people than the Czar and the Grand 
Dukes ever did — and I have yet to hear that any one of our Western 
Democracies ever proposed to compass their overthrow' by interven- 
tion! If it is true that the Bolsheviki do not represent the Russian 
people, then there is one thing, and one thing only, to be done — and 

21 



that is, to leave the people alone — to leave them free from outside 
interference, to work out their own destinies and put in office a 
party which more nearly represents them than those who now holer 
the seats of power. If a free people do not like government, they can 
themselves be trusted to destroy it. . . . 

. . . Here again the lie factories are to work twenty-four hours 
a day. . . . 

... If this revolution succeeds , . . . capitalists know that they 
have either got to destroy this revolution or the revolution will de- 
stroy them. The people of Russia have come into their own; our 
leaders know that other peoples elsewhere will come into their own 
as well, if these Russians be not punished with terror and enslaved 
again with chains. . . 

... I say to you that Bolshevism ... is the revolution that must 
go on. . . . 



(The Eye Opener, May 30, 1919.) 

Man is a strange animal. He makes laws that make conditions 
that make criminals; then he makes prisons to punish the criminals. 

The church of the future will be a community church, a civic 
organization, with no denominational activities of any kind, but de- 
voting itself to social activities and the community at large. — Rev. 
Dr. John Haynes Holmes, N. Y. 



We are told that fortune knocks at every man's door; but what 
good does this to the average man, so long as the capitalists own 
all the doors or have a mortgage on :hem ? 



(Christian Science Monitoi. Boston, June 18, 1919.) 
. . . The Industrial Workers oi the World and the One Big Union 
are the same organization. 



(Seattle Union Record, November 29, 1919.) 
In an open letter . . . James A. Duncan, challenged one of the 
prominent ministers of a leading Presbyterian Church in Seattle to 
a joint debate. In his letter Ml. Duncan accused the minister mtti 
commercializing the church. He also called a'.tention to promises 
made during the war that labor wruld be justly treated following 
victory and that, at the same t'me, organized wealth was evident y 
exceedingly busy laying i lans to see to it that the hopes of th? 
workers would not be realized. Mr. Duncan's letter follows: 

22 



". . . You and I, both members of the Presbyterian Church, arc 
each in a different camp, and as I view the situation, one of us is 
in the wrong camp. 

"Of course I cannot be expected to get exactly your viewpoint 
as 1 never got quite $10,000 a year . . . 

"I do, however, conscientiously believe that in this present crisis 
you arc commercializing the church. Some Sundays ago, I heard you 
preach hate, and, what I considered, an appeal for a holy war in 
order to prevent the changes which are absolutely necessary if de- 
mocracy is going to be fully enjoyed in our great land. In your most 
vicious moments you produced no arguments that would tend to prove 
whether there would be more or less freedom of religion come out 
of the chaotic condition referred to, but I am prepared to say with- 
out fear of successful contradiction by you or any other individual 
that without radical changes in our own industrial and economic sys- 
tem, the fullest exercise of our religious liberties is impossible. 

"Without any suggestion forthcoming from you as to how our 
children, or their children, will be assured even a chance to secure 
life with liberty and happiness, you damn any and every person who 
has after long and careful study become convinced that co-operation 
must supplant competition in the production and distribution of those 
things necessary for our existence socially and economically. That 
does not seem to me to be the Christ way, if I read rightly, they 
pulled together pretty well in those days, entrusting the keeping 
of the common money bag to one of their number, even Judas. 

"I fail to see any sound biblical grounds for anxiety upon your 
part, lest some of your wealthy members should have their oppor- 
tunities for exploiting others curtailed. On the contrary, I recall, in 
Mark 10-21, how Christ admonished the rich man who claimed to 
have observed all the Commandments since his youth by lovingly 
telling him, 'One thing thou lackest; go, sell whatsoever thou hast 
and give to the poor.' The trouble with us is that we have been 
doing the very opposite. By our silence we have condoned the mer- 
ciless exploitation of the poor. 

"If our wealthy church members are good Christians, why worry 
about riches and threaten blood to the hilt in defense of them when 
Christ said, 'Blessed are the poor.' What's wrong, can you dis- 
believe Christ and be a Christian? 

"I am profoundly concerned when I hear you speak as you do, 
and when I learn of the things you say for the Associated Industries 
in denunciation of some of the finest of our citizens who dare to 
take certain action, believing as sincerely as you, or more so. . . ." 

23 



LA FOLLETTE'S MAGAZINE 



Feb., 1919 





f I were to try to read, much less answer, 
all the attacks made on me,, this shop 
might as well be closed for any other 
business. 1 do the very best I know how — the 
very best I can; and I mean to keep on doing 
so until the end. If the end brings me out all 
ritfht, what is said against me won't amount tQ 
anything. If the end brings me out wrong, 
ten angels swearing I was right would make no 
difference/ " 




RECONSTRUCTION 



October, 1919. 



By Max Hayes 
". . . The capital of the nation has become concentrated in the 
control of a few great interests that menace the liberties and the 
very lives of more than a hundred million of human beings . . ." 

(Same Publication and Date.) 
By Glenn H. Plumb 
". . . The labor leaders, in proclaiming that the system of prof- 
its must be overhauled, and that grant and privilege must cease, do 
not come before the public with minimum demands. They come, 
rather, with the thoughtful formulation of certain principles. They 
declare that monopolies based on grants can only be operated for 
the common good if control is equally vested in the three interests, 
public, management and labor; and that only through basic co- 
operation is production to be increased. They declare that financial 
autocracy is out of place in a political democracy . . ." 

(Same Publication and Date.) 
By Alfred W. McCann 
". . . In July, 1918, when the American people were going with- 
out bacon, we shipped to Europe 119,893,655 pounds at 29 cents u 
pound. . . ." 

(Same Publication and Date.) 

By Charles Edward Russell 

". . . Five years ago the colored population of Chicago was 

65,000. Today it is 125,000. The increase has been brought about 

largely by employers looking for cheap labor and deprived of their 

usual foreign supply because of the war." 



NEGROES A CHANGED PEOPLE 



The Negro did not run in Chicago nor in Washington and in 
my judgment he is not going to run anywhere. And the reason is 
that he has found himself. He knows now that he is a man. That 
makes the difference. He knows that he has under the Constitution 
of the United States certain rights declared to be inalienable and that 
these rights are denied to him. He knows that merely because of 
the color of his skin he is put at a disadvantage with his fair skinned 
brother, and he knows that the discrimination is an indefensible 
wrong. He knows that no matter what may be his character, his 

25 



attainments, industry, skill or worth, every avenue of advancement 
is closed to him because of his color. He knows that because of his 
color he is debarred from making his livelihood by any except the 
most menial occupations. He knows that he and his children are 
branded by that one mark of color and consigned by it to the pit 
of a caste from which there is no escape, and he feels in his heart 
and knows in his mind that all this is contrary to elemental justice, 
to the American tradition and to the law of God. 

He sees elaborate preparations begun to enforce the Eighteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, although that amendment is but 
a fanatic's dream, and he knows that nobody intends to enforce the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the same Constitution, 
although these embody his sacred rights. 

He has looked upon all these things until the iron has entered 
his soul. He will not run away again. He will stand and fight. He 
has reached that point where a man would as lief die as continue 
to live under what he deems intolerable condition of justice, and when 
any men reach that state of mind it is but wisdom to heed their 
protests. 

It will be said in some quarters that this stalwart state of mind 
in the Negroes is the result of agitation among them by pestilent 
troublemakers; that if the Negro had been left alone as he was 
at the close of the Civil War he would still be servile and submis- 
sive; that foolish agitation has put into his head notions of equality 
and justice. This is puerile nonsense and gross ignorance. The truth 
is the Negro has been left quite alone. Hardly one white person 
in a million has ever manifested the slightest interest in his wel- 
fare or wrongs. The whole of his marvelous and unexampled prog- 
ress in the last fifty years he has achieved himself, not only un- 
aided but in the face of the bitterest prejudice and often an active 
opposition. Among a people so avid of education and so indomitably 
bent upon improving their condition some form of revolt was in- 
evitable. 

From 1900 to 1910 the Negroes of this country, by their own 
efforts, reduced the percentage of illiteracy among their people from 
49 to 39, and that in the face of the fact that Southern states, where 
most of the Negroes and most of the illiteracy exist, are frankly 
organized to prevent Negro education. And it is from this source 
and none other that the new spirit comes. 

The simple fact is that being freed from slavery the Negro was 
certain to leam to read, that learning to read he was certain to be- 
come aware of the stupid and baseless injustice practised against him, 
that becoming aware of this and being a man he was certain to re- 
sent it. 

26 



TWO THOUSAND NEW MILLIONAIRES EVERY YEAR 



(The World, Oakland, Cal., January 9, 1920.) 
"The United States is now growing millionaires at the rate of 
more than 2,000 individuals a year, according to income tax reports 
just filed with the Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The reports 
show that there are now in the United States more than 20,000 per- 
sons rated as millionaires." 



"The steel strike is over. It failed — because the steel workers 
stood by their government and their government did not stand 
stand bv them." 



"Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher 
consideration." — Abraham Lincoln. 



JAPANESE AND CHINESE QUESTION 



By Wm. R. Anderson 

We have no quarrel with the Japs, Chinese or colored people, 
or in fact with the people of any foreign country. The capitalists 
would like to make us believe at times that we have, but this, in 
my opinion, is one of their many schemes to endeavor to keep the 
workers of the world divided. That is why the Jap proposition is 
given so much publicity by the subsidized press. 

We. as workers, more than welcome our little "Brown Brothers," 
tin* I we are proud to learn that they understand the value of solidarity 
and that an injury to one worker is an injury to all. 

The capitalists were in favor of the importation of Japs, Chi- 
nese, etc., when they were able to use them to their advantage, but 
since the Orientals have familiarized themselves with the program 
of the workers, it has changed the situation to such an extent that 
a race war would be probable providing the capitalists were able to 
control the matter. 

The solidarity of the workers will settle this question. 



PARADERS BURST IN DOOR BEFORE SHOT WAS FIRED 



(The Industrial Worker, November 29, 1919.) 
Centralia, Wash., Nov. 13. — Testimony tending to show that th- 
marching ex-service men started toward the I. W. W. before shots 
wore fired from the building or from the opposite side of the street, 

27 



featured the coroner's inquest over the four soldiers killed here last 
Tuesday, and is said to have been responsible for the failure of the 
jurv to return a verdict to fix responsibility for the shooting. 

Dr. Frank Bickford, one of the marchers, testified that the door 
of the I. W. W. Hall was forced open by participants in the parade 
before the shooting began through the doorway or from the Avalon 
Hotel opposite. Dr. Bickford said he was immediately in front of 
the I. W. W. Hall at the time and that during a temporary halt some- 
one suggested a raid on the hall. 

"I spoke up and said I would lead if enough would follow,* 
he stated, "but before I could take the lead there were many ahead 
of me. Someone next to me put his foot against the door and forced 
it open, after which a shower of bullets poured through the open- 
in o- about us." 



(Seattle Union Record, Oct. 6, 1919.) 

By T. F. G. Dougherty. 

. . . Hulet M. Wells, . . . together with Sam Sadler, Joe Pass 
and Morris Pass, was arrested, tried and convicted during the height 
of the patriotic hysteria created by the representatives of the domi- 
nant element of the capitalistic class in the United States who under 
the hypocritical cloak of "making the world safe for democracy," 
precipitated the workers of this country into the world war on the 
side of the capitalists of Great Britain, France and Italy for the 
purpose of promoting the economic interests of these allied inter- 
national capitalists, with the ultimate object of welding together the 
dominant group of capitalists in every capitalist country into one 
solid international allied capitalist class, whose chief function would 
be to control the world market and keep wage slaves of the world 
in subjection. 

Emil Herman, . . . also a victim of the warphobia that has 
raged for months and has spent its force, leaving in its wake jails 
crowded with workers, while many were beaten, tarred and feathered 
and a few killed outright by the insane agents of the vicious and 
vindictive capitalists who would brook no opposition to the program 
they had mapped out many months before their political represen- 
tatives officially and constitutionally declared war just as soon as 
a plausible pretext was presented. 

Tom Mooney and Warren K. Billings are paying the penalty 
for their activity in behalf of the working, class. They have been 
sentenced to life imprisonment on a framed-up charge. This frame- 

28 



up has been proved, nevertheless Mooney and Billings have not been 
released from prison. . . beside the thirty-eight members of the or- 
ganization who have been held in Wichita, Kansas, Jail for two years 
without a trial. Hundreds of other members of the I. W. W. are 
held in jails in various parts of the country and every effort is be- 
ing made to collect funds for bail and also to defray legal expenses 
in order that they may be given adequate defense if they are ever 
brought to trial. 

Many of these I. W. W. have been subjected to unbelievable tor- 
ture in these jails. For instance, in Leavenworth several of these 
prisoners were handcuffed to the cell door in a standing position din- 
ing working hours every day for five weeks, put in the black hole, 
fed on bread and water and beaten with clubs. . . . 



(The Ford International Weekly, December 27, 1919.) 

Over 216,000 women in the British Isles were widowed by the war. 

Forty-eight Irish newspapers have been suppressed, and 28 de- 
nied circulation. 

Of the 6,655 employes of the Glasgow tramways, 3,507 served 
in the war, and 517 were killed. 

Eu'garia has imprisoned 300 war profiteers, among them a dozen 
former cabinet ministers. 



(Post-Intelligencer, June 5, 1919.) 
. . . George F. Vanderveer ... To call the I. W. W. a disloyal 
organization . . . was willful slander. They were fighting for human 
freedom, . . . just as Wendell Phillips and William Lloyd Garrison 
fought for it, when the question of Negro slavery was uppermost. 
"These men were the I. W. W. of 1850, they were jailed for the 
principles, too," . . . "They were trying to overthrow the industrial 
system based on slavery. Jesus Christ didn't believe in the estab- 
lished order and they crucified him for it." "I do not believe in con- 
victing one man for what someone else maybe did. Who are the 
real enemies of your political liberties? They are the men who have 
a throttle hold on your political life; and you can only kill this 
system by killing exploitations, which the I. W. W. aims to do." 
Mr. Vanderveer, openly avowing himself to believe with the I. W. 
W. in its advocacy of direct action to obtain industrial reform, pre- 
dicted an era when a new industrial order, in which the worker would 
come into his own, would be established. . . . The courts arc controlled 
by capitalists 

29 



U3L2I1IG POT, I.IAY 1916, 




— From Regeneraclou 
THE MAKERS OF MEXICO'S MISERY 



30 



LECTURE 



What Must We Do En Order To Be Saved? 



By Col. Robert G. Ineersoll 



Now, I beg of you all to forget just for a few minutes that you 
are Methodists, or Baptists, or Catholics, or Presbyterians, and let 
us for an hour or two remember only that we are men and women. 

And let us, if possible, banish all fear from the mind. . . 

. . . Don't imagine that there is any being who would give to his 
children the holy torch of reason, and then damn them for following 
where the sacred light may lead There is but one wor- 
ship, and that is justice You need not fear the anger of a 

God whom you cannot injure. Rather fear to injure your fellow 
man 

Don't be afraid of the crime that you cannot commit. Rather 

be afraid of the one that you may commit Let us think and 

let us honestly express our thought. Do not for a moment imagine 

that I think the people who disagree with me are bad people 

I believe that most Christians believe what they teach, — that most 

ministers are endeavoring to make this world better It is a 

question, first, of intellectual liberty, and after that a question to be 

settled at the bar of human reason The question is, have I 

a right to think? The next question, then, is, can I commit 

a sin against God by thinking? 

Now then we have got what they call a Christian system of 
religion, and thousands of people wonder how I can be wicked enough 

to attack that system I shall never fear to attack anything 

I honestly believe to be wrong We have, I say, the Chris- 
tian system, and that system is founded upon what they are pleased 
to call the New Testament. Who wrote the New Testament? I do 
not know. Who does know? Nobody. We have found some fifty- 
two manuscripts containing portions of the New Testament. Some 
of the manuscripts leave out five or six books, many of them; others 
more, others less. No two of these manuscripts agree. Nobody knows 
who wrote these manuscripts. They are all written in Greek. The 

disciples of Christ knew only Hebrew Nobody ever saw, so 

far as we know, one of the original Hebrew manuscripts 

This Testament was not written for hundreds of years after the 
Apostles were dust The Church got into trouble and wanted 

31 



a passage to help it out, one was interpolated to order. So that now 
it is among the easiest things in the world to pick out at least 100 

such interpolations in the New Testament For thousands 

of years the world has been asking the question, "What shall we do 
to be saved?" Saved from poverty? No. Crime? No. Tyranny? 
No. But "What shall we do to be saved from the eternal wrath of 
the God who made us all? 

I made up my mind, I say, to see what I had to do in order to 
save my soul 

The idea of putting a house and lot on an equality with wife 

and children! Think of that! I do not accept the terms 

Let me tell you to-day that it is far more important to build a home 
than to erect a church 

The only way to get to Heaven is to believe something that you 
don't understand 

In order to be saved it is necessary to believe this 

Of course I admit — cheerfully — . . . that there are thousands of 
good Catholics. But Catholicism is contrary to human liberty; 
Catholicism bases salvation upon belief; Catholicism teaches man to 
trample his reason under foot; and for that reason it is 
wrong 

No matter what we believe, shake hands, and say, "Let it go; 
that is your opinion, this is mine; let us be friends." Science makes 
friends; religion, superstition, make enemies. They say, belief is 
important; I say no, actions are important; judge by deeds, not by 
creeds 

I believe in the gospel of cheerfulness; the gospel of good na- 
ture; in the gospel of good health. Let us pay some attention to 
our bodies; take care of our bodies, and our souls will take care of 
themselves. Good health! I believe the time will come when the 
public thought will be so great and grand that it will be looked 
upon as infamous to perpetuate disease. I believe the time will come 
when men will not fill the future with consumption and insanity. I 
believe the time will come when with studying ourselves and under- 
standing the laws of health, we will say we are under obligations 
to put the flags of health in the cheeks of our children. ..... 

I believe in the gospel of good living. You cannot make any 
God happy by fasting 

I believe in the gospel of justice — that we must reap what we 
sow. I do not believe in forgiveness. If I rob Mr. Smith, and God 
forgives me, how does that help Smith? 

For every crime you commit you must answer to yourself and 

to the one you injure that is what I believe in. And if it 

goes hard with me, I will stand it And I will stick to my 

logic; and I will bear it like a man. . . . And I believe, too, in the 

32 



gospel of liberty, — of giving to others what we claim. And I believe 
there is room everywhere for thought, and the more liberty you give 
away the more you will have 

God cannot make miserable a man who has made somebody else 
happy. God cannot hate anybody who is capable of loving his 
neighbor. So I believe in this great gospel of generosity. Ah, but 
they say it won't do. You must believe. I say no 

I have made up my mind that .... God will be merciful to the 

merciful. Upon that rock I stand That He will forgive the 

forgiving; upon that rock I stand. That every man shall be true 
to himself, and that there is no world, no star, in which honesty 
is a crime; and upon that rock I stand. An honest man, a good, 
kind, sweet woman, or a happy child, has nothing to fear, neither 
in this world nor in the world to come. Upon that rock I stand. 



TWENTY BILLIONS 



By Scott Nearing 
(Seattle Union Record, Wednesday, July 2, 1919) 

British capitalists in 1913 had twenty billions of dollars invested 
outside of the British Isles. This investment yielded an annual in- 
come of about one billion dollars. The capitalists of Great Britain, 
at the outbreak of the war, were the greatest investors on earth. 

British investments were scattered north, east, south and west 
— on every continent; in every important country. Two and a half 
billions were invested in Canada; and a billion and a half was invested 
respectively in Australia, South Africa and in India and Ceylon. 
Nearly four billions were invested in the United States. There were 
also large investments in Argentine, Brazil, Mexico, Cuba, Chile, 
Uraguay, Peru, etc. Great Britain also had investments in Europe — 
a third of a billion in Russia; forty millions of dollars in France, 
and in Germany thirty millions of dollars. 

British investments, like all other investments, went in to the un- 
exploited countries. Germany, with her teeming population and her 
great wealth, and France, one of the richest nations in Europe, re- 
ceived practically no British capital. The investments of Britain in 
Brazil were nearly 20 times her investments in France. This was 
not because Britain cared more for Brazil than she did for France, 
but because the Brazilian rate of interest was higher. 

France, like Britain, was an investing nation. French capital, 
like British capital, went into the home market while the home 
market paid well. The time came, however, when the home market 
ceased to pay. Then French capital, like British capital, went abroad. 
Britain had practically nothing invested in France and Germany. 

33 



Germany and France had practically nothing invested in Great Brit- 
ain. No developed capitalist country is a good investment market, 
because capitalist countries are glutted with capital and the rates 
of return on investments are low. 

Capital seeks paying investment opportunities. If pounds sterling 
will bring 10 per cent in Brazil as against 5 per cent in France, as 
a matter of course they go to Brazil. 

Modern industrial society is built on the proposition that wealth 
goes, not where it is most needed, but where it will yield the high- 
est interest rate. While such a theory underlies social organization, 
women will continue to overwork in Lancashire, children will starve 
in Glasgow, and the workers of Great Britain will demand in vain 
a living wage out of the products created by their own labor. Mean- 
while, the British capitalists will continue to invest abroad vast sums 
of the wealth which has been created by British labor in order that 
the British owning class may reap an additional harvest from the 
exploited toil of foreigners. 

Great Britain with her twenty billions in foreign investments, 
stood at the pinnacle of economic power in 1913. France, her near- 
est rival, had only about ten millions invested abroad. Germany had 
two billions less. The whole world was paying tribute to Great Brit- 
ain, because Great Britain owned so large a share of the productive 
capital and useful resources of the earth. Workers, in every quarter 
of the globe, were sending a part of their produce to the British 
capitalists who owned the resources and machinery with which they 
must work in order to live. 

Twenty billions! The seal of British power. 

Twenty billions in foreign investments! The bonds of British 
dominion. 

Twenty billions worth of resources and machinery owned by cap- 
italists in one country; served by workers on foreign soil — slaves to 
the absentee landlords who reap where they have not sowed. While 
these twenty billions and other billions like them remain, the world 
cannot be free. 



(The Messenger, July, 1919.) 
The people of India are oppressed, exploited and abused by Great 
Britain. She is only interested in getting all she can in profits out 
of the 300 million people of India. In America the Hindoos do not 
even find asylum as political refugees, because Great Britain follows 
them, maintains an espionage system over them, and dominates the 
American government's policy respecting these persecuted and abused 
people. 

34 



India should ho free. Her people should henofit from the wealth 
they produce there. In 1901-1902 there were in India 36 million chil- 
dren of school age, while only 3,200,000 were accorded school priv- 
ileges. The number able to read and write among the males was 
103 per thousand, and among females 8 per thousand. And this, not- 
withstanding the fact that the foreign trade was over $200,000,000. 

The working of these people without giving them any returns 
by way of schools and sound administration of the law is a complete 
refutation of Britain's claims of carrying civilization to benighted 
India. The real crux of the problem is that Great Britain is using 
India, Africa and other weaker peoples to act as beasts of burden 
to feed the belly of British capitalism. 

The people of India in revolting against British rule are acting 
in a similiar role to that of America in the Revolutionary War of 
1776. America should encourage it. All sincere, honest liberty-lov- 
ing people should lend their efforts in interest of a free and inde- 
pendent India. 



WHAT ABOUT AGREEMENTS? 



(The Forge, Seattle, Washington, June 28, 1919.) 

The advocacy of One Big Union opens up a wide range of sub- 
jects and foremost among them is the question of the contract or 
agreement. Here again there is a chance for w r ide argument. 

Many of the old-line craft unions have been built up and main- 
tained by means of agreements made between the workers and the 
employers. Where this is done the union is looked upon as a busi- 
ness institution organized for the benefit of its members with no moru 
thought for the workers of other crafts or for those who may be 
unorganized than a storekeeper gives to his competitors in the busi- 
ness world. The contract strips the union of the very essence of the 
class struggle. 

But in dealing with conditions and not with theories the con- 
tract has to be taken into consideration. Shall contracts be made to 
expire at a given date in all crafts — May First for example? Or 
shall the attempt be made to clear the whole issue by abandoning 
the contract entirely? 

Quite naturally the thorogoing advocate of the One Big Union 
desires the latter move. Those who see that the One Big Union is 
inevitable but who retain craft psychology will advocate that the 
contracts all expire on one date. But there is an alternative to these 
two suggestions which will at once be a step toward the overthrow 
of the contract system without doing violence to those who still 
cling to the agreement as a thing of value. 

35 



The One Big Union can enter into agreement without a time? 
limit with the understanding that the contract may be terminated 
on ten, fifteen or thirty days notice, and that the membership is free 
to engage in a sympathetic strike if one be called by referendum. 

As the One Big Union grows in strength the agreement can be 
abandoned altogether in those sections where labor feels that its in- 
terests are best served by using direct economic power to take ad- 
vantage of the conditions of the labor market. Labor must strike 
off every fetter that tends to prevent solidarity of action. 



ADVERTISING PSYCHOLOGY 



By Frank Bonville 

Do you think you would know enough to purchase and wear warm, 
well-made clothing if the woolen manufacturers and clothiers should 
suddenly cease to advertise their wares? Do you think you possess 
sufficient intelligence to select a wholesome breakfast food for your 
table without being urged and enticed and browbeaten day in and 
day out by black, blue, green, red and vari-colored typed ballyhoos, 
ridiculous nursery rhymes and what-not to do so, or abstain at your 
peril ? Do you consider yourself better able to choose a durable, well- 
made touring car, or to take out life insurance in a sound, conserv- 
ative, well managed company because of the fact that the purveyers 
of these commodities in their red-hot zeal to press their own make 
of machine or type of insurance upon you, find it expedient in their 
daily advertisements to claim infinite superiority over all competitors ? 

Has it ever occurred to you that you, the ultimate consumer, 
are the one who foots the advertising bills contracted by the manu- 
facturer, the jobber, wholesaler, the retailer; and do you know that 
expenditures for advertising amount to approximately three billion 
dollars annually in the United States ? 

After many years study of newspaper and magazine advertising 
and the results thereof I am convinced that eighty per cent, of the 
publicity funds so expended constitute not only an unwarranted tax 
upon the consumer, but that the result of such advertising is a grave 
detriment to the consuming public in that the claims put forth by 
the advertisers serve to befuddle and mislead, rather than to con- 
structively educate. And insofar as advertisers diverge from con- 
structive, truthful statements concerning their w r ares, so far do they, 
wilfully or unconsciously, disfranchise the buying public, for the pur- 
chaser should know, in reason and justice is entitled to know, not 
only the exact kind and quality of the thing he is buying, but the 
cost of producing that thing, and the net profit which accrues to 
the vendor by reason of its sale; and advertisements which do not 

36 



apprise him of those facts, or which are calculated to lead him 
away from such facts, — advertisements which are conceived solely 
or chiefly to create desire and thereby stimulate sales, constitute in 
essence a fraud upon the public and are equivalent to the sly craft 
practiced by that most despicable of petty thieves known as a 
pick-pocket. 

You will note that I do not thus condemn all advertising, for 
I concede that perhaps twenty per cent, of the money spent an- 
nually in this country for advertising is well spent, — and when I 
place the figure at twenty per cent. I believe I have allowed a very 
generous margin. Illustrative of what I consider legitimate adver- 
tising, let us say that Smith, a farmer, wishes to change his location 
and in order to do so would sell his farm; or that Jones has lost 
a horse, or cow, and wishes to apprise the public of the fact; or 
that Edison or Ford has invented a new labor saving machine, or 
that a newly discovered textile product has been placed upon the 
market; here, I should say, is legitimate ground for advertising, the 
public being entitled to know that something new and better is to 
be had for the purchasing. 

Let us hope for a day when the inevitable breakfast food "ad" 
will become conspicious by its absence from the pages of our favorite 
journal, when screaming announcement of the one and only "Super- 
Six" will cease to shriek at us whenever we chance to peruse our 
daily newspaper; when, in brief, we shall have ceased to be victim- 
ized out of a portion of our daily earnings by vendors of wares who 
now insist upon telling us how and what to buy and then add to 
the price of the article offered the cost of dinning its merits into 
our suffering ears through the medium of a press whose palms are 
ever itching to be tickled with — the advertiser's gold? — no! my gold; 
your gold; our gold; for it is we, the buying public, that in the ul- 
timate pays the bill. 



(Ford's International Weekly, August 30, 1919.) 

We Americans who remember or have read of the War of the 
Rebellion, of Gettysburg, of Pickett's charge, of Sherman's march 
to the sea, of Andersonville, have been wont to look on it as ont- 
of terrible slaughter — and it was. 

But Russia alone lost more than three times as many men in 
the late war as were lost by both the North and the South in the 
Civil War. 

Germany lost more than three times as many. 

Fiance lost nearly three times as many. 

37 



Great Britain lost nearly twice as many. 

Austria lost nearly twice as many. 

So great has been the development in the engines of death that 
it is almost impossible to conceive the increase of fatalities in the 
late war as compared with previous wars. 



(Reconstruction, September, 1919.) 

Mexico offers the spectacle of an independent country, 65 per cent. 
of whose total wealth is owned by foreigners. 

According to the Daily Consular Report of July 8, 1912, Amer- 
icans owned $1,057,770,000 worth of property in Mexico. Mexico 
owned $793,187,242 worth; Englishmen, $321,302,800; Frenchmen, 
$143,446,000 and other foreigners, $118,535,380. 

Foreign bond and stock holders dispute the above figures, hold- 
ing that Americans own no more than $655,000,000 worth of property 
in Mexico; British, $670,000,000; French, $285,000,000; Germans, $75,- 
000,000 and Spanish-Dutch, $190,000,000. Yet even these corporation 
figures, furnished by the Mexican Petroleum Refining Company and 
recently used by Mr. Wallace Thompson in the New York Times, 
leave the Mexican in possession of only an odd $600,000,000 of their 
country's estimated wealth of $2,434,240,380, or $200,000,000 less than 
they held under the American Consular inventory of 1912. 



(Seattle Union Record, November 26, 1919.) 

L. W. Buck, secretary of the Washington State Federation of 
Labor, in a statement issued, charges that employers, in their pre- 
tended discovery of "radicalism," are really attempting to gain con- 
trol of the unions and make them ineffective in order that profits 
may not be disturbed. Buck's statement follows: 

"The insistent demand from our opponents that we 'purge' our- 
selves of all 'radicals' has reached the point where it is time for us 
to give it the consideration it merits. . . . 

"Let us remember, however, that this demand comes from those 
who insist on dealing with workers as individuals. They would pre- 
fer to see organized labor destroyed, for then the individual worker 
would be at their mercy. 

"If they cannot destroy organized labor, and it would seem thai 
they have at last so concluded, then the next best move is to split 
it by debarring from its ranks all on whom they could fix the brand 
of 'radicalism.' 

"The bosses believe that the class of workers thus 'kicked out' 
from the American Federation of Labor, will feel aggrieved at be- 
ing so handled, and will fight back by offering their services as strike- 



breakers, and in other ways aid them (the employers) in breaking 
down conditions for all who labor, to the great satisfaction and profit 

of special privilege. . . . 

* * * 

"But what do they mean by 'radicals' ? By what method are 
we to determine what constitutes a 'radical'? Are we who compose 
the labor movement to determine this question? If not, then 
who will? 

"These are questions that must be answered before we can give 
serious thought to 'kicking out' anyone. 

"Our enemies have condemned every man in the ranks who has 
exhibited enough life to be active. They have placed the 'brand' on 
practically every officer in the labor movement. . . . and stretched 
their definition of 'radicals' to include the whole of that group of 
members who show enough interest in their affairs to attend the 
meetings of their respective unions. All of these must be 'purged' 
if we would satisfy the employers. 

"Even then our movement would not be their idea of perfection. 
To reach this pinnacle in their esteem we must permit them to deter- 
mine who should fill the various offices and act on various commit- 
tees. And the rank and file must also agree to transform the union 
into a mutual admiration society. . . . 

"If, after this, we will give up a part of the wages they allow 
us, toward a fund to be used to care for those whose health the in- 
human industrial conditions they will create has broken, and bury 
those who are killed while working for the boss who is operating- 
under the misnamed 'American Plan,' we will then have put the 
finishing touch to the employers' idea of industrial heaven. 

"As a matter of fact, the question is not one of radicalism. 
The question is, 'Who is going to choose our officers, appoint our com- 
mittees, and run the union?' Are we to do this, or are we to let 
our bosses do it? That is the question, and every man and woman 
in the ranks of labor can rest assured that the boss will be satisfied 
with nothing less. 

"We are organized for the purpose of looking after OUR in- 
terest and it is our business, our duty, to see that the organization 
to which we belong functions as we intended it should. 

"We must not, therefore, get hysterical over the cry of the 
profiteer. ... If there is 'purging' to be done it should first start 
in the ranks of those who now demand it of us. 

"Our duty is clear. We must keep our feet on the earth and 
our heads and shoulders together. We must think with a cool head 
and act with good judgment. While our opponents rave, we must 
work all the harder to solidify our ranks. It is our mission to or- 
ganize not disorganize. This is our answer: 'We will not cringe.' " 

39 






(O 

o. 



I * U 

w mm o 



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40 



DETROIT LABOR CHALLENGES POLICE IN FREE 
SPEECH EIGHT 



(The World, January 9, 1920.) 

Detroit, Mich. — Declaring that "if the police department shall 
again prove itself helpless in the face of a situation similiar to that 
of the Haywood meeting, we will act in self-defense, and expel the 
invaders," the Detroit Federation of Labor has gone squarely on rec- 
ord as opposed to American Legion interference with public meet- 
ings, in a letter addressed to the mayor and police commissioner. 

If the police will again permit the Legion members to interfere 
with radical meetings, as they did when Haywood was scheduled, 
late in November, to make an address, and was prevented from ap- 
pearing by threats of disturbance on the part of Legion members, 
there will be trouble. The letter to the mayor and police head 
states that, although the Federation and Haywood are at opposite 
poles on matters of labor generalship, union labor will not tolerate 
any interference with his or any other meetings as long as they are 
conducted within the law. 

"We are workers, conscious of our rights, our duties and obli- 
gations," say the Detroit -laborites. "We believe in and preach law 
and order and decry mob rule and violence upon every occasion. We 
feel that if law and order is to succeed, and if we are to avoid a 
reign of terror and guerilla warfare in this community, a recurrence 
of the Haywood incident must be made impossible." Thus notice is 
served to the Chamber of Commerce hirelings, that Detroit labor will 
not tolerate the violation of constitutional rights. 



COULD HAVE BEEN PREVENTED 



(Seattle Union Record, December 29, 1919. 

No one can read the lament of Professor Walter Shuecking over 
the condition of Germany without thinking that a group of men 
back in 1914 might have prevented it. He asks: 

"Where are the dead of this war? Unburied, their bodies putrify 
over miles of war-torn wastes. No flower blooms over their graves. 

"Instead, throughout Europe there lurks the spectre of hunger, 
need and want grinning at a grieving populace through door and 
window." 

There were doubtless economic and political and racial causes 
and war seemed inevitable because of them. Nevertheless, there was 
a group of diplomats and generals in Berlin and Vienna who could 
have prevented the war. Tens of thousands throughout the Central 

41 



Empires were also to blame; nevertheless, this group could have pre- 
vented the war, with its indescribable horrors — past and to come. 

These remarks are practically true of all wars. If we have war 
with Mexico, it will be because of a group of clamoring commercial 
exploiters, coupled with self-seeking diplomats. These men can pre- 
vent war, for the mass of the workers on farms and in shops do 
not want war. 

If we have war with Japan, it will be due to a group of diplomats 
and agitators, who could prevent such a war. There is no question 
likely to arise between Japanese and America, that can not be settled" 
by mutual conciliation and common-sense. Anyone who is provoking 
a war with Japan, let him know that he is just a common, but dan- 
gerous, agitator. Let him read our Professor Shuecking's lament. 

Should it appear even that for the sake of harmony, it was best 
for every American to leave Japan and for every Japanese to leave 
America — it could doubtless be arranged amicably, providing it were 
approached and done without insult. 

Hate preachers should be called off. War should be the last 
resort of nations — and then only after patient effort for conciliation. 



A LETTER FROM THE SOVIET REPRESENTATIVE TO 
MISS EMMA GOLDMAN 



. (Soviet Russia, December 20, 1919.) 

December 15th, 1919. 
Miss Emma Goldman , 
Ellis Island, 
New York. 

Madam : — 

New York morning papers, Sunday, December 14th, published an 
alleged interview with me regarding your enforced departure to Rus- 
sia. I was maliciously represented as having said that you and other 
refugees will not be welcome in Soviet Russia and that you may be 
punished by death if you "plot there as you plotted here." While 
I have never had the pleasure of making your acquaintance, I feel 
confident that you understand that I have made no such statements, 
and am writing this only to emphasize this fact. 

42 



Far from sharing in tho malicious hysteria, a product of which 
are the stories which I now want to correct and many other insults 
to which you, your comrades in exile, and thousands of other men 
and women of Russian birth have been subjected in the United States, 
I wish on behalf of my country to state that the Workers' Republic 
of Russia will be glad to offer an asylum to the first group of po- 
litical refugees from the United States. Soviet Russia persecutes 
nobody for his beliefs or political or economic theories. Everybody, 
be he a bourgeois, an anarchist, a Socialist or a Communist is in 
Free Russia at liberty to express his opinions and to advocate his 
beliefs as long as he docs not engage himself in active co-operation 
with the enemies of the Russian workers, — especially at this crucial 
time, when Soviet Russia is fighting for her existence against an 
avalanche of enmity and conspiracy. Whether he be a bourgeois, 
an anarchist, a Socialist or an unfaithful Communist, he meets severe 
punishment in Russia if he is found actively violating the interests of 
the Russian workers. I have no reason whatsoever to believe that 
you and your comrades in exile will not find yourselves in Russia 
wholeheartedly working for the strengthening of the ideals of the 
Russian Soviet Republic. I am confident that you therefore will 
be welcome • there as any other working man or working woman 
who is interested in the liberation of the working class. 

I regret very much that the anomalies of the present situation 
pi event me from personally arranging for your security and com- 
fort during your journey to Russia. You are perhaps aware of the 
fact that I, on behalf of my Government, made an offer to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States to provide, at the cost of Soviet Rus- 
sia, free transportation to my country of all Russians in America 
who want to return there, or whose presence in the United States 
is not desired by the authorities here. This proposition so far has 
led to no results. If realized, it would have saved you unnecessary 
humiliation and privation, and it would have saved the authorities 
unnecessary excitement. 

Please accept my best wishes and convey them to all the other 
refugees. Tell them that Russia, liberated from the oppression which 
drove them out of their native land, is welcoming them back, confident 
that they will find there an opportunity to work for the development 
of the Soviet Republic of Russia. 

Sincerely yours, 

(Signed) L. A. MARTENS, 

Representative in the United States of the 
Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic. 







«8^fi« 



44 



THOMAS PAINE 



By Frank Hanis 
(Pearson's Magazine, June, 1919.) 

". . . Tom Paine was a born rebel. ... He came here at thirty- 
seven and his pamphlet of only 47 pages, "Common Sense," aroused 
the American people to revolt: he was the first to suggest American 
independence. Who can ever forget his great words: "These are the 
times that try men's souls." Think of what he did: he was the first 
to suggest the "Federal Union," the first to write the words, "United 
States of America," the first to propose international arbitration, the 
abolition of Negro slavery, international copyright and old age pen- 
sions. In the Eighteenth Century he advocated justice to women and 
was the first to write of "the religion of humanity." . . . 

. . . Paine lived simply and economically, but quite well — was 
always cheery and courteous, perhaps occasionally a little blunt, hav- 
ing very positive opinions upon politics, religion, and so forth. That 
he labored well and wisely for the States in the trying period of 
their parturition, and in the seeds of their character, there seems to 
me no question. 

I dare not say how much of what our Union is owning and en- 
joying today — its independence — its ardent belief in, and substantial 
practice of, radical human rights — and the severance of its govern- 
ment from all ecclesiastical and superstitious dominion — I dare not 
say how much of all this is owing to Thomas Paine, but I am inclined 
to think a good portion of it decidedly is. . . . 

Thomas Paine had a noble personality, as exhibited in presence, 
face, voice, dress, manner, and what may be call'd his atmosphere and 
magnetism, especially the later years of his life. I am sure of it. . . . 

. . . Thomas Paine, why are you not among us today ? We 
need you so badly. We need your "Common Sense" in this "Crisis" 
through which we are passing. . We are clamoring for the "Rights 
of Man," we are still longing for "The Age of Reason." . . . 

. . . Would you like to know, Thomas Paine, what happened to 
your remains? How they were denied at first Christian burial at 
New Rochelle, how they were interred on your own farm, the one 
the State of New York gave you as a token of appreciation? How 
your coffin was stolen one night and spirited away to your native 
England. Your skull and your bones disappeared and a small part 
of your brains and a few locks of your hair came back to Ameiica. 
. . . How you will laugh about your fellow rebels, about the "sons 
and daughters of the Revolution," whose great grand-children are not 
capable of conceiving the truth for which you so often were willing 
to die. . . . 

45 



. . . Dear Thomas Paine, they haunted you during your lifetime. 
Peace was not given unto you by your fellow citizens and your bones 
were scattered to the winds while the great truths of your books 
were carried all over the world, and your principles became the pil- 
lars of republics and of the world's humanitarian institutions. 

Only a few years ago a magnificent picture of you was found, 
strangely enough by your friend, von cler Weyde, in a little antique 
shop in the Rue de Seine in Paris, buried among old portraits. The 
proprietor did not know whom the picture represented. It is painted 
by F. de Bonville, a brother of Nicholas de Bonville, your old pub- 
lisher and life-long friend. 

New York has grown, Thomas Paine, it is the largest city of 
the world today. America has become the richest country of the 
universe, and has just emerged as victor from the world war. And 
things have happened here, and are happening daily. . . . ! You 
would turn in your grave, Thomas Paine, if you knew them, if in- 
deed, the malice of men had left you a grave." 



ANARCHY PLAN IN TIMES DENOUNCED 

Proposed Disregard of U. S. Constitution by States Scored by Tannant. 



(Seattle Union Record, November 26, 1919.) 
E. Tappan Tannant, of Tacoma, sees grave danger in the sug- 
gestion of David Lawrence, in The Seattle Times, that the United 
States Supreme Court having upheld free speech, it is up to the 
states to take the people's rights from them. Lawrence's idea is 
that unconstitutional procedure may be waged until through the slow 
processes of appeals the states are forced to recognize the federal 
court's ruling. The proposal is characterized by Mr. Tannant as a 
most remarkable exposition of disrespect to the authority of the Con- 
stitution of the United States. 
Mr. Tannant's letter follows: 

"I am enclosing herewith a clipping from The Seattle Times of 
this date, being an article by David Lawrence on the 'I. W. W. Men- 
ace.' While I am an American citizen, and as such cannot approve 
any act of violence, whether it be the raiding of halls by parties 
not legally constituted or any other act of violence whatever, it seeing 
strange that we learn of some of the most important transactions 
of this country only through articles which seem designed to mis- 
lead the general public and to encourage the illegal acts which have 
and are disgracing this country and our flag. 

46 



"The item in question has value for two reasons. First, it ox- 
poses the fact that within the past two weeks the Supreme Court of 
the United States has rendered a decision upholding the rights of 
free speech and the rights to express and promulgate 'radical' ideas, 
so long as violence or persuasion to violence is not resorted to. 

"The decision clearly permits, under our constitution, the right 
of individuals and organizations to expound not only their ideas of 
proper government, but to give the right of free and unlimited dis- 
tribution of literature designed to educate the people to these ideas, 
no matter as to how they may affect or seem to affect existing laws 
or conditions. In fact, the decision goes further and claims that this 
very light is the bulwark and safeguard of the republic. As the 
controlled press of the country seems to have, for some reason, 
failed to give general report of this very important decision, I would 
suggest that your paper give the same wider publicity, to the end 
that the public may be properly and reliably informed and the 
truth known. 

"The second point of interest which the article brings out is 
contained in the suggestion that, now that the Constitution of the 
United States, federal authority and Congress have failed to provide 
a means of justifying the suppression of free speech and the pro- 
mulgation of so called 'radical' literature, that the responsibility is 
up to the states. This, we consider, to be not only a very dangerous 
suggestion on the part of the writer to the Times, but a most re- 
markable exposition of disrespect to the authority of the Constitution 
of the United States. In other words, as I understand the article 
in question, he suggests that now that the way is not open to con- 
tinue suppression and persecution through the federal authority, that 
the states are removed from that authority by one step of legisla- 
tion, and that they may be able to continue the unconstitutional work, 
by taking advantage of the delays incident to the processes of law. 

"In other words, that there yet remains a hope in his mind 
that the authority of the Constitution of the United States may con- 
tinue to be violated through state authority, until through the pro- 
cesses of appeals the states may be brought to recognize the Con- 
stitution of the United States. Very naturally, municipal authority 
and the authority of counties and localities being yet further re- 
moved, may later be similiarly used, should occasion demand. 

"Government Still Lives 

"It seems to the writer that the decision, coming at this time, 
is of the greatest importance, for it should emphasize in the minds 
of the people that we have a Constitution and government, and that 
no man or association, no matter what may the title or condition, 

47 



has the right to take up to himself or itself the powers of authority 
of government until properly and legally delegated to do so. 

"It also emphasizes that the activities of some of our local or- 
ganizations, in raiding buildings and serving in capacities not au- 
thorized under the law, is not only a violation of the law and Con- 
stitution, but an admission of weakness in the government which they 
are supposed to consider strong. If those who claim to be the most 
loyal and law abiding citizens yield to illegal acts and admit by their 
acts the inability of constituted authority to run the state and gov- 
ernment, what right have they to condemn the less enlightened por- 
tions of the community for seeming to lose faith in the government 
and of trying to take matters into their own hands. 

"Make our government strong by a free and fearless exposition 
of the truth. You cannot educate a people through suppressive meas- 
ures, and you cannot make a government strong by pretending, or 
acting the part that would indicate that you recognize a great and 
existing weakness. 

"Give the government, federal law and free speech the right to 
render service to the people. If the state authorities are not suf- 
ficiently strong to enforce constitutional law, give them the right to 
first try, and if they need us, to help enforce the laws, we are ready 
to do our bit, but let us see to it that we do not weaken their 
hands through officious meddling and creating the impression that 
they do not have the power or ability to act constitutionally." 



PREACHER INVENTED MOVIES 



(The Dearborn Independent, October 4, 1919.) 

Without the Rev. Hannibal Goodwin photography probably would 
not have been developed to the extent it is today. Without him it is 
doubtful if there would be motion pictures today, yet it is a question 
whether any of the great producers of the photoplay who have made 
millions upon millions of dollars in the last ten years or one per- 
son out of ten thousand of those who go to the "movies" know of Han- 
nibal Goodwin and his work. 

The Rev. Mr. Goodwin was pastor of a little church in Newark, 
New Jersey. His pay was small, barely enough to support his family. 
He was a great, big, kindly man. Nature intended him for a scien- 
tist. Conditions made him a clergyman. He looked after his little 

48 



flock, visited the sick and helped the poor and did his full duty, bus 
he loved to climb to the garret of his little house and work out 
problems in chemistry. 

When he got into that garret he forgot the world. His wife or 
his daughter might call him and he might answer mechanically, but 
it is doubtful if he heard them. He would forget his meals, possibly 
some engagement, so absorbed would he become. Sometimes he 
would climb into the garret early Sunday morning and when hours 
later he would appear in the pulpit his hands would be stained with 
the chemicals he had been using. Once he went into the pulpit 
with his vestments discolored by the acids. He did not know it. 

In that garret, the preacher-scientist developed the pho- 
tographic film. 

Success with his invention brought sorrow to the clergyman. 
It was in 1887 that he completed his work on the film. Whatever his 
dreams of fortune, they were shattered. A photographic company 
attempted to prevent Goodwin from obtaining a patent. The com- 
pany was rich. The clergyman was poor. A man who is poor has- 
a tremendous handicap in such a legal fight as the one that followed. 
A rich corporation can hire lawyers of fine ability. The law is 
very slow. 

The suit became a fearful burden to the preacher. Year after 
year the case dragged on. When the case had been in the couils 
thirteen years the Rev. Mr. Goodwin died. He was poor. He would 
not have been so poor had he never invented the photographic film. 
Possibly the struggle to carry on the suit and to gain w T hat he 
believed was his own shortened his life. Trouble, anxiety and disap- 
pointment piled on disappointment are not conducive of good health. 

After the clergyman died his rights to the film were sold to 
a company. His widow got stock in this concern in return for the 
sale of the invention. Years passed and the lawsuit went from 
court to court. Twenty-six years after the Goodwin invention wa> 
perfected, a decision was handed down supporting all of the Good- 
win claims and declaring the company that had fought the clergy- 
man from the first to be infringing the Hannibal Goodwin patent. 

Hannibal Goodwin's widow was then past 80. His daughter was 
60 years old. Money could not compensate them for all the years 
that were gone, the years of disappointment, deferred hope and 
poverty. 



49 



FROM THE PORTLAND NEWS 



.'3|^-?-^< 




50 



FORD AND HIS PEACE SHIP' 



By Frank Bonville. 

"Henry Ford is a traitor and a mountebank. He is a traitor 
to his class, for he has betrayed them to the working people by bribes 
of higher wages and better working conditions than legitimate indus- 
try is able to concede. That he is a mountebank, and a supremely 
egotistical one at that, he has shown time and again by his lurid 
and shameless methods of self advertising. 

"Of that method his so-called "Peace Ship" is perhaps the most 
startling example. Everybody on the "inside" knows that that ex- 
pedition was conceived and executed not with the slightest expec- 
tation of bringing the war to a close, but solely to advertise the man 
and his wares." 

The above quoted speech, recently uttered in a sneering tone 
by a journalistic acquaintance of mine, with a penchant for stocks 
and bonds and an aversion for overalls and calloused hands, probably 
epitomizes the sentiment existing towards Henry Ford in those choice 
circles where conversation is chiefly of money, how to keep money 
— and of how to worst and ruin those who would disturb them in 
their manners and methods of planting and reaping the golden har- 
vests. Indeed, I venture to assert positively, at the risk of seeming 
dogmatic, that the viewpoint of my friend the journalist concern- 
ing Henry Ford and his "Peace Ship" is the viewpoint of ninety- 
nine per cent, of the so-called capitalistic class. 

They ridicule him. They blackguard him. Not because they 
believe him insincere. Not because they despise him, but because 
they fear him. And as the months lengthen into years, they will grow 
to fear him more and more. 

We are still too close to the awful cataclysm of the late war 
to see it clearly, in all its monstrous proportions. As it recedes from 
us with the passage of time, we shall gain a perspective, then we 
shall begin to realize how mad, how utterly brutish, was that satur- 
nalia of blood and tears. 

In some fifty thousand American homes there hangs a service 
flag bearing upon its field of blue a star of gold, a star sacred to 
the memory of some beloved youth who gave his life upon the bat- 
tlefields of Europe — a sacrifice upon the alter of his country, yes, 
but also a sacrifice upon the alter of the grim God of War; a sacrifice 
which might have been averted had but a small percentage of the 
millionaires and multi-millionaires of the world cried out in concert 
with Henry Ford: 

"Enough of slaughter! This war must cease! Our boys must 
come out of the trenches by Christmas!" 

51 



But Henry Ford stood alone, insofar as those who control the 
destinies of industry, and therefore of the world, are concerned. If 
any among them sympathized with him in the innermost chambers 
of his heart, such an one was too cowardly to speak, but shrank 
behind his bulwarks of gold and watched the dance of death go 
merrily on. 

No! Henry Ford and his "Peace Ship" will not be forgotten 
either by the world at large or by that compartively small class of 
privileged persons whom the world is fond of referring to as Captains 
of Industry. 

More and more it must be borne in upon the thinkers of the 
world, in high places, as well as in low, that when Henry Ford set 
sail for Europe with his peace expedition, he embarked upon a tre- 
mendously practical, as well as tremendously humane project. In 
the face of adverse criticism, on the part of a press subsidized by 
outraged Capital, he seemed to fail, yet he did not fail. For he 
planted the seeds of a tree of brotherly love and forbearance that 
must and will bear fruit in the fullness of time, when the harvest 
season draws near. 

Henry Ford, the blessed "impractical visionary," the man of 
genius who loves his fellow men constructively and aggressively, will 
hold a place in the future of the race that will shine as a mighty 
star of righteousness, a light of peace to good men, a searing flame 
of torment to that breed of men who would live out of the sweat 
of another's brow. 



MR. FORD'S OWN PAGE 



(The Dearborn Independent, August 2, 1919.) 

. . . We ought not to forget that wars are a manufactured evil 
and are made according to a definite technique. A campaign for war 
is made upon as definite lines as a campaign for any other purpose. 
First, the people are worked upon. By clever tales that would be 
worthier the dime novel than the journals of civilization, the peo- 
ple's suspicions are aroused toward the nation against whom war 
is desired. . . . 

. . . All you need for this are a few agents with much clever- 
ness and no conscience, a press whose interest is locked up with the 
interests that will be benefited by war, and then the "overt act," 
so much spoken of, will soon appear. It is no trick at all to get 
an "overt act" once you get the hatred of two nations to the 
proper pitch. We ought not to forget that wars are sometimes as- 
sisted into existence by men whose business demands it. There were 
men in every country who were glad to see the recent war begin 

52 



and sorry to sec it stop. Hundreds of American fortunes date from 
the Civil War; tens of thousands of new fortunes will date from the 
European War. Nobody attempts any longer to deny that war is 
a profitable business for those who like that kind of money. War 
is an orgy of money, just as it is an orgy of blood. Everybody knows, 
that by this time. The explanations of the fact may be new; the 
fact itself is as old as war. 

. . . There is less unity in the world today, if you allow the in- 
fluence of the hate-makers to shape your mind, than there was at 
the height of the war. . . . But what do we see now? One party 
works deftly to renew the Japanese war scare. Another moves dex- 
terously to revive the waning enthusiasm for a military aggression 
upon Mexico. One party would have us beware of England as a 
nation never to be trusted under any consideration. Another would 
have us regard France as too materialistic for our friendship. While 
others would fan any chance spark they may find of distrust of 
Italy. And if they fail here — although they do not wholly fail in 
any of these — there is always Russia left. 

Let us not forget how the last war was made. Let us not be 
blind to the fact that the same tactics are being played today. In 
our eagerness to forget the war, let us not forget that the forces 
which produced the war still exist and are at work among us. 

Some of us took a good deal of criticism at one time by inti- 
mating that profits had a considerable bearing on some men's patri- 
otism — that is, upon their desire for war which they invariably 
called "patriotism." And we ought not to forget that the lust for 
war money is not dead yet. That is a lust which can never be satis- 
fied even by a glut of profits. Thousands upon thousands in our 
own country, not to speak of others, have had a taste of that kind 
of money and they would not be averse to more from the same 
source. Building up a military establishment can provide war prof- 
its for a number of years before the war. But when the establish- 
ment is complete, then the continuance of profits demands that it 
be taken out on the field of battle and knocked to pieces again. And 
here is where Greed has a hand in producing war. 

The same forces which menaced the world in 1914 and the years 
preceding are still here. Let us not forget it. . . . 



53 



JUSTICE FOR THE COLORED RACE 



How He Can Get It 



[This was copied from a leaflet, thousands of which were dis- 
tributed in the State of Washington.] 

Two lynchings a week — one every three or four days — that is the 
rate at which the people in this "land of the free and home of the 
brave" have been killing" colored men and women for the past thirty 
years — 3,224 Negroes known to have been put to death by mobs in 
this country since 1889, and put to death with every kind of torture 
that human fiends could invent. 

Even during the war, while colored soldiers were being obligecT 
to "fight for democracy" abroad, ninety-two of their race were 
lynched at home. 

The wrongs of the Negro in the United States are not confmec? 
to lynchings, however. When allowed to live and work for the com- 
munity, he is subjected to constant humiliation, injustice and discrimi- 
nation. In the cities he is forced to live in the meanest districts, 
where his rent is double and tripled, while conditions of health and 
safety are neglected in favor of the white sections. In many states 
he is obliged to ride in special "Jim Crow" cars, hardly fit for cat- 
tle. Almost everywhere all semblance of political rights is de- 
nied him. 

("The normal average death rate of males in a city is about 
147.10 per 1,000; for Negroes, 287.10 per 1,000."— New York Times, 
February 22, 1919.) 

The Colored Worker Everywhere Unfairly Treated 

When the Negro goes to look for work he meets with the same 
systematic discrimination. Thousands of jobs are closed to him 
solely on account of his color. He is considered only fit for the most 
menial occupations. In many cases, he has to accept a lower wage 
than is paid to white men for the same work.* Everywhere the odds 
are against him in the struggle for existence. 

Throughout this land of liberty, so-called, the Negro worker is 
treated as an inferior; he is underpaid in his work and overcharged 
in his rent; he is kicked about, cursed and spat upon; in short, he 
is treated, not as a human being, but as an animal, a beast of bur- 
den for the ruling class. When he tries to improve his condition, 



*The wages of colored kitchen workers in New York City average $20 a month 
lower than white employees. 

54 



he is shoved back into the mire of degradation and poverty and 

told to "keep his place." 

How can the Negro combat this widespread injustice? How can 
he, not only put a stop to lynchings, but force the white race to grant 
him equal treatment? How can he get his rights as a human being? 

Protests, petitions and resolutions will never accomplish any- 
thing. It is useless to waste time and money on them. The gov- 
ernment is in the hands of the ruling class of white men and will 
do as they wish. No appeal to the political powers will ever scenic 
justice for the Negro. 

The Master Class Fears the Organized Worker 

He has, however, one weapon that the master class fears — the 
power to fold his arms and refuse to work for the community un- 
til he is guaranteed fair treatment. Remember how alarmed the 
South became over the emigration of colored workers two years ago, 
and what desperate means were used to try to keep them from leav- 
ing the mills and cotton fields? The only power of the Negro is 
his power as a worker; his only weapon is the strike. Only by or- 
ganizing and refusing to work for those who abuse him can he 
put an end to the injustice and oppression he now endures. 

The colored working men and women of the United States must 
organize in defense of their rights. They must join together in labor 
unions so as to be able to enforce their demands for an equal share 
of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." When they are in a 
position to say to any community, "If you do not stop discrimination 
against the colored race, we will stop working for you," the hidden 
forces behind the government will see to it that lynchings cease and 
discrimination comes to an end. Only by threatening to withdraw 
their labor power and thereby cripple industry and agriculture can 
the Negroes secure equal treatment with other workers. 

The Workers of Every Race Must Join Together 

The workers of every race and nationality must join in one 
common group against their one common enemy — the employer — 
so as to be able to defend themselves and one another. Protection 
for the working class lies in complete solidarity of the workers, 
without regard to race, creed, sex or color. . . . 

Trade Ini.ons Do Not Want the Negro. 

Most American labor organizations, however, shut their doors 
to the colored worker. The American Federation of Labor excludes 
him from many of its unions. In those to which he is admitted, he 
is treated as an inferior. The NEGRO has no chance in the old- 

55 



time trade unions. They do not want him. They admit him only 
under compulsion and treat him with contempt. Their officials, 
who discourage strikes for higher wages or shorter hours, are al- 
ways ready, as in the case of the Switchmen's Union, to permit a 
strike aimed to prevent the employment of colored men. . . . 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World. The first section 
of its By-Laws provides that "no working man or woman shall be 
excluded from membership because of creed or color." This prin- 
ciple has been scrupulously lived up to since the organization was 
founded. In the I. W. W. the colored worker, man or woman, is on 
an equal footing with every other worker. He has the same voice 
in determining the policies of the organization, and his interests are 
protected as zealously as those of any other member. . . . 

. . . All the workers in each industry, whatever their particular 
line of work may be, into One Big Industrial Union. In this way, 
the industrial power of the workers is combined, and, when any of 
them has a disagreement with his employer, they are backed by 
the united support of All the workers in that industry. . . . 

... Do not believe the lies being told about the I. W. W. by 
the hired agents of the capitalists — the press, preachers and poli- 
ticians. They are paid to deceive the workers and lead them astray. 
They are hired to throw dust in their eyes because the master class 
does not dare to let them know the truth. . . . 

. . . We therefore urge you to join with your fellow workers 
of every race in the ONE BIG UNION OF THE INDUSTRIAL 
WORKERS OF THE WORLD. 

1001 West Madison Street, Chicago, Illinois. 

Workers' Halls, with Reading Rooms, at 119 S. Throop Street and 
951 W. Madison Street. 

(NOTE — The I. W. W. admits to membership every wage worker, 
man or woman, young or old, skilled or unskilled. Its plan of or- 
ganization includes all workers. No matter what your occupation, 
if you work for wages, you can get a union card in the I. W. W.) 



(The One Big Union, Aug. 1919.) 
By C. E. Payne. 
. . . No member of the working class who can write well enough 
to be understood should fail to send in any report he may have 
knowledge of regarding working class activity and industrial hap- 
penings. . . . 

56 



(Same paper.) 
By John Sandgren. 

. . . The "One Big Union" movement now sweeping over the 
English-speaking world as well as other parts of the world. . . . 

(Same paper.) 
By Justus Ebert. 

. . . What was the crime of the I. W. W. at the beginning of 
the war in the copper and lumber camps of the West and North- 
west? Why, it practised mass action — mass industrial strikes, mass 
demonstrations, mass picketing, mass organization of all the miners 
and lumber workers, whether skilled or unskilled, organized or un- 
organized. Logically, it was for this that the I. W. W. and its sym- 
pathizers were deported en masse at Bisbee, and arrested, perse- 
cuted, sentenced and jailed en masse at Seattle, Chicago, Butte and 
elsewhere! 

(Same paper.) 

After the war is over, after the slaughter is done, after the 
people are ruined, after the victory's won, Labor will go on drudging, 
wondering what it was for, paying for generations, after the war. 

(Same paper.) 
By Abner Woodruff. 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World have seen the present 
situation developing through many years and have made an effort 
to prepare for its coming, but in the face of a mad world, . . . 

(Same paper.) 
By John Pancner. 
. . . There are about 1,800 or more prisoners at the United 
States prisons today. Many of them are young soldiers, who com- 
mitted some trifling offense for which they were court-martialed 
and given long terms in prison, . . . 

(Same paper.) 
By George Andreytchine. 
. . . The General Labor Confederation is pledged to a direct 
struggle against capitalism and its weapon . . . 

(Same paper.) 

By Frederick A. Blossom. 

. . . Craft unionism must go because, as long as it lasts, wage 

slavery will last; as long as it lasts, the workers will be weakened 

in their daily and hourly struggle with their exploiters; as long as 

it lasts, the workers will continue to be fooled and tricked, misled 

57 



and betrayed by shrewd politicians manipulating the complicated 
machinery of trade unionism. As long as craft unionism lasts, the. 
workers, instead of being united against their common enemy, will 
be divided among themselves by the false divisions of medieval 
craft distinctions. Craft unionism is the friend of the employing, 
class and therefore, the enemy of labor. . . . 



SCHEMERS AND DREAMERS. 




58 



WITH DROPS OF BLOOD THE HISTORY OF 

THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE 

WORLD HAS BEEN WRITTEN 



(Melting Pot, Nov. 1919.) 

Ever since the I. W. W. was organized in June, 1905, there has 
been an inquisitorial campaign against its life and growth, inaugu- 
rated by the Chambers of Commerce, profiteers. . . . 

. . . The Industrial Workers of the World is a labor organiza- 
tion composed of sober, honest, industrious men and women. Its 
chief purposes are to abolish the system of wage slavery and to 
improve the conditions of those who toil. . . . 

. . . I. W. W. MEMBERS have been murdered . . . imprisoned 
. . . tarred and feathered . . . deported . . . starved . . . beaten . . . 
denied the right of citizenship . . . exiled . . . their homes invaded 
. . . private property and papers seized . . . denied the privilege 
of defense . . . held in exorbitant bail . . . subjected to involuntary 
servitude . . . kidnapped . . . subjected to cruel and unusual punish- 
ment . . . "framed" and unjustly accused . . . excessively fined . . . 
died in jail waiting for trial . . . driven insane through persecution 
. . . denied the use of the mails . . . denied the right of free speech 
. . . denied the right of free press . . . denied the right of free as- 
sembly . . . denied every privilege guaranteed by the Bill of Rights 
. . . denied the inherent rights proclaimed by the Declaration of 
Independence — Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness. 

I. W. W. Halls, Offices and Headquarters have been raided. 

I. W. W. property, books, pamphlets, stamps, literature, office 
fixtures have been unlawfully seized. 

I. W. W. as an organization and its membership have been 
viciously maligned, vilified and persecuted. 

The charges set forth in this indictment would count for nothing 
unless evidence and proof were at hand to sustain them. A record 
of every charge can be found in the annals of the press, the court 
records of the land, the report of the Commission on Industrial 
Relations, and other reports of the Government of the United States. 

We charge that I. W. W. members have been murdered, and 
mention here a few of those who have lost their lives: 

Joseph Michalish was shot to death by a mob of so-called citizens. 

Michael Hoey was beaten to death in San Diego. 

Samuel Chinn was so brutally beaten in the county jail at Spo- 
kane, Washington, that he died from the injuries. 

59 



Joseph Hillstrom was judicially murdered within the walls of 
the penitentiary at Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Anna Lopeza, a textile worker, was shot and killed, and two 
other fellow workers were murdered during the strike at Lawrence, 
Massachusetts. 

Frank Little, a cripple, was lynched by hirelings of the Copper 
Trust at Butte, Montana. 

John Looney, A. Robinowitz, Hugo Gerlot, Gustav Johnson, Felix 
Baron and others were killed by a mob of Lumber Trust gunmen 
on the steamer "Verona" at the dock at Everett, Washington. 

J. A. Kelly w T as arrested and re-arrested at Seattle, Washington, 
finally died from the effects of the frightful treatment he received. 

Four members of the I. W. W. were killed at Grabow, Louisiana, 
where thirty were shot and seriously wounded. 

Two members were dragged to death behind an automobile at 
Ketchikan, Alaska. 

These are but a few of the many who have given up their lives 
on the altar of Greed, sacrificed in the age-long struggle for In- 
dustrial Freedom. 

We charge that many thousands of members of this organiza- 
tion have been imprisoned, on most occasions arrested without war- 
rant and held without charge. To verify this statement it is but 
necessary that you read the report of the Commission on Industrial 
Relations wherein is given testimony of those who know of condi- 
tions at Lawrence, Massachusetts, where nearly S00 men and women 
were thrown into prison during the Textile Workers' strike at that 
place. This same report recites the fact that during the Silk 
Workers' strike at Paterson, New Jersey, nearly 1,900 men and 
women were cast into jail without charge or reason. Throughout 
the northwest these kinds of outrages have been continually perpe- 
trated against members of the I. W. W. County jails and city 
prisons in nearly every state in the Union have held or are holding 
members of this organization. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been tarred and 
feathered. Frank H. Meyers was tarred and feathered by a gang 
of prominent citizens at North Yakima, Washington. D. S. Dietz 
was tarred and feathered by a mob led by representatives of the 
Lumber Trust at Sedro Wooley, Washington. John L. Metzen, attor- 
ney for the Industrial Workers of the World, was tarred and feather- 
ed and severely beaten by a mob of citizens at Staunton, Illinois. 
At Tulsa, Oklahoma, a mob of bankers and other business men 
gathered up seventeen members of the I. W. W., loaded them in auto- 
mobiles, carried them out of town to a patch of woods, and there 
tarred and feathered and beat them with ropes. 

60 



Wc charge that members of the Industrial Workers of the World 
have been deported, and cite the cases of Bisbee, Arizona, where 
1,164 miners, many of them members of the I. W. W., and their 
friends, were dragged out of their homes, loaded upon box cars, and 
sent out of the camp. They were confined for months at Columbus, 
New Mexico. Many cases are now pending against the copper com- 
panies and business men of Bisbee. A large number of members 
were deported from Jerome, Arizona. Seven members of the I. 
W. W. were deported from Florence, Colorado, and were lost for 
days in the woods. Tom Lassiter, a crippled news vender, was taken 
out in the middle of the night and badly beaten by a mob for selling 
the "Liberator" and other radical papers. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been cruelly 
and inhumanly beaten. Hundreds of members can show scars upon 
their lacerated bodies that were inflicted upon them when they were 
compelled to run the gauntlet. Joe Marko and many others were 
treated in this fashion at San Diego, California. James Rowan was 
nearly beaten to death at Everett, Washington. At Lawrence, 
Massachusetts, the thugs of the Textile Trust beat men and women 
who had been forced to go on strike to get a little more of the 
good things of life. The shock and cruel whipping which they gave 
one little Italian woman caused her to give premature birth to a 
child. At Red Lodge, Montana, a member's home was invaded and 
he was hung by the neck before his screaming wife and children. 
At Franklin, New Jersey, August 29, 1917, John Avila, an I. W. W., 
was taken in broad daylight by the chief of police and an auto 
load of business men to a woods near the town and there hung to 
a tree. He was cut down before death ensued and badly beaten. 
It was five hours before Avila regained consciousness, after which 
the town "judge" sentenced him to three months at hard labor. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been starved. 
This statement can be verified by the conditions existing in most 
any county jail where members of the I. W. W. are confined. A 
very recent instance is at Topeka, Kansas, where members were 
compelled to go on a hunger strike as a means of securing food for 
themselves that would sustain life. Members have been forced to 
resort to the hunger strike as a means of getting better food in many 
places. 

We charge that the members of the I. W. W. have been held 
in exorbitant bail. As an instance there is the case of Pletro Pierre 
held in the county jail at Topeka, Kansas. His bond was fixed at 
$5,000, and when the amount was tendered it was immediately raised 
to $10,000. This is only one of the many instances that could be 
recorded. 

I. W. W. have been compelled to submit to involuntary servi- 

61 



tude. This does not refer to members confined in the penitentiaries,, 
but we would call the reader's attention to an I. W. W. member under 
arrest at Birmingham, Alabama, taken from the prison and placed 
on exhibition at a fair given in that city where admission of twenty- 
five cents was charged to see the I. W. W. 

We charge that members of the I. W. W. have been kidnapped. 
To prove this assertion Wm. D. Haywood was carried from his 
home in Denver, Colorado, to Boise, Idaho, where he was held in 
prison 18 months until finally acquitted of the charge of murder 
preferred against him. Frank Little was taken from his bed at mid- 
night by masked Copper Trust gunmen, dragged with ropes behind 
an automobile to the Milwaukee Bridge at Butte, Mont., and there hung. 
Geo. Speed and Wm. Thome were kidnapped at Aberdeen, Wash- 
ington. Many other similar cases have occurred. 

I. W. W. have suffered cruel and unusual punishment. At 
Fresno, California, where the jail was crowded with members, the 
Fire Department was called and a stream of water was turned 
upon the helpless men. Their only protection was mattresses and 
blankets — one man had his eye torn out by the water. This method 
of treatment was also adopted at San Diego, California. 

We charge that members of this organization have been unjustly 
accused and framed. This statement is proved by the present case 
against Pietro Pierre and R. J. Bobba, the latter out on bond, the 
former now confined in Topeka, Kansas, jail. Charles Krieger has 
been held for months in jail at Tulsa, Oklahoma. He is guiltless 
of any crime except of being a member of the I. W. W. 




Col. Robt G. Ingersolfs 

Forty-Four Lectures 

COMPLETE— CLOTH BOUND 

A standard volume, worth $2.50, which I ofte* 
Crucible readers for only $1.00, postage prepaid by 
me. Just think of it I 420 pages, each 6x9, large- 
type, cloth bound, ahiminum stamped, with portrait 
of author, FOR ONLY $1.00 PREPAID. 

Col. Ingersoll's work in the lecture field will last 
for all time. Though we may differ with him in hia 
doctrines, all will admit the brilliancy of his great 
mind, and are spell-bound with the beauty of hia 
word pictures. He was one of the world's greatest 
orators, and this great book will live forever. 



THE CRUCIBLE 



1330 FIRST AVENUE 
62 



SEATTLE 



THE NAVY LEAGUE UNMASKED 



Speech .of Hon. Clyde H. Tavenner of Illinois in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, December 15, 1915. (Including Remarks of May 3, 
1916, on same subject.) 



Washing-ton, Government Printing Office, 1916. 
41543-15731. 

Mr. Tavenner. Preparation for war means an increased burden 
of taxes for everyone, and suffering and misery on every hand. . . . 

If you had an investment of $40.00 in a share of Bethlehem 
Steel at the beginning of the war, your profit because of war would 
have been $34. By this we obtain some idea as to the staggering 
profits that accrued to the Wall Street war trust magnates. It is 
not to their financial interest that the United States shall not be- 
come involved in the European war, but that it shall become in- 
volved. . . . 

I want to read something from the report of an official Gov- 
ernment investigation as to the working conditions at one of the 
plants receiving a large part of the Government business — the Beth- 
lehem Steel Co. 

The inquiry was made by the United States Bureau of Labor 
in 1910, under the direction of Ethelbert Stewart, a special agent 
of the Labor Bureau at the time, who bore the reputation of being 
one of the most experienced economic investigators in the country. 

The Government investigators revealed this: 

That out of every 100 men, 29 were working 7 days every week. 

That out of every 100 men 43, including these 29, were working 
some Sundays in the month. 

That out of every 100 men, 51 were working 12 hours a day. 

That out of every 100 men, 25 were working 12 hours a day 
7 days a week. 

That out of every 100 men, 46 were earning less than $2 a day. 

I believe that if this Republic is in danger, it is in danger not 
from the peoples beyond the seas, but from a clique of men within 
this country who would tax the people until their backs break. But 
what are the facts? When war with Spain was imminent the three 
concerns in this country which have a monopoly of the manufacture 
of armor plate got together and practically issued an ultimatum 
to their own Government, the United States Government, that they 
would not manufacture a single piece of armor plate unless we should 

63 



agree to pay them $100 a ton more than the price fixed by Congress. 

According to the report of the Commission on Industrial Rela- 
tions, between one-third and one-fourth of the male workers 
18 years of age and over in factories and mines earn less than $10 
per week, while from two-thirds to three-fourths earn less than 
$15.00 per week. 



AN UNNECESSARY BURDEN 



(Union Record, January 14, 1920.) 
(Editorial by Dr. J. P. Warbasse.) 

The people in the United States pay salesmen $1,000,000,000 a 
year to sell things. Producers and merchants spend another $1,000,- 
000,000 advertising the things we buy. Added to the burdens which 
the consumers already bear are these two billion dollars, which 
they pay largely for being persuaded to buy things they do not need 
or which they would buy anyway. 

Most any day the advertisement of a brand of cigarettes, which 
costs $1,000 for one insertion in a single paper, can be seen. The 
cigarette business of the United States has been created by ad- 
vertising. The United States government, the Red Cross and the 
Y. M. C. A. co-operated with the Tobacco Trust in its attempt to 
make cigarette fiends out of our boys whom the government con- 
scripted; and they came pretty near putting over a 100 per cent 
program. 

The consumers bear this burden of advertising; and they go 
one step further, and permit themselves to be persuaded into paying 
money for their own debauching. They also do the utterly absurd 
thing of paying this extra cost for what they would buy without 
salesmanship. 

Prudent people buy fire insurance. This prudence is testified 
to by the fact that the American public pays $500,000,000 annually 
for fire insurance. But nearly 25 per cent of this sum, or $125,000,000, 
goes to agents. That enormous sum is what they pay agents for 
selling them what they want. 

The people of the United States spend $100,000,000 annually 
for typewriters. The cost of selling these is over 40 per cent, or 
$40,000,000. The machine for which the consumer pays $100 is a 
$60 typewriter, with $40 tacked on to the cost for paying the sales 
organization which induced him to buy that particular brand. 

Of the $40,000,000 which are spent annually in the United States 
for adding machines, 45 per cent, or $18,000,000, is selling expense. 

These are enough examples of our glorious 100 per cent business 

64 



system. Our officials, the press, and the groat financial powers 
which control them demand that we loyally and patriotically sup- 
port this system. 

Do you know what they are doing to people who do no more 
than point out the futility and absurdity of this sort of thing and 
advocate a way out? They are sending them to jail, and deporting 
them. 



ATTORNEY GENERAL NOT TO PROSECUTE 



Washington, Jan. 7. — (United Press.) — A plea that the govern- 
ment take immediate steps to enable destitute wives and children 
of deported "reds" to join their husbands and fathers w r as laid be- 
fore government officials today by Miss Helen Todd of the Women's 
Committee of New York. 

Dependents of the Russians who were deported on the Buford, 
December 27, are eager that they also should be sent to Russia, Miss 
Todd said. She asked that the government care for them while 
they remain here. 



MILLIONS WILL BE USED IN FILM WAR 



Atlantic City, N. J., Jan. 14. — (United Press.) — Members of the 
Associated First Pictures, Inc., meeting here today, voted to increase 
the organization's capital stock from $6,400,000 to $20,000,000. 

The fund it was said, will be used as a "war chest" to fight four 
great motion picture corporations alleged to be backed by Wall 
Street interests and to plan a monopoly of the motion picture busi- 
ness. The Assciated Organization, according to reports, plans to 
build and buy movie houses in every state. 

Organization of the new corporation was to be perfected today 
when directors were to elect officers. The four "Wall Street" organ- 
izations were said to have a capital stock of $40,000,000 and plan 
to increase it in order to buy additional theaters. The new organiza- 
tion, through its affiliation with the First National Exhibitors circuit, 
will have control of productions featuring Charles Chaplin, Mrs. 
Charles Chaplin (Mildred Harris), Norma Talmadge, Constance Tal- 
madge, Anita Stewart, Marshall Neilan, Charles Ray, Catherine Mc- 
Donald, Henry Lohrman and King Vidor. 

65 



iMAT 6. 191T 







"TRAITOR* 



.v2_. 



66 



TO DISTRACT ATTENTION 



(Gale's Magazine, January, 1920.) 
I. W. W. Official Bulletin, Butte, Mont., U. S. A.— The oil barons 
and other exploiters of the riches of Mexico are at the same little 
game they have tried several times before. They are trying to stir 
up a war with Mexico so that they can follow up the invading army 
with their agents to steal and grab the natural resources of that 
country that are not already within their clutches. They would like 
another slaughterfest of this kind to draw the workers' attention 
away from their own class war with the masters, and have an ex- 
cuse for keeping a large standing army ever ready to shoot down 
the workers when they revolt against unbearable conditions in the 
industries. 

I. W. W. Not "Enemy" of Government 

The I. W. W. is not an anti-government organization. The I. 
W. W. does not advocate the overthrow of political governments. 
It devotes all its time and energies in organizing the workers on the 
industrial field with but the one object in view — the capture of the 
industries by the workers to be run for the workers. Industry haw 
been stolen from the workers and its ownership is centralized in the 
hands of a few industrial overlords. The I. W. W. will organize all 
the workers within these industries and take back what has been 
stolen from them and run industry so that the workers on every 
job will have the full product of their toil. Our bourgeois opponents 
say that industry and political government under the present system 
are separate, the political government being in no way controlled by 
the owners of industry; therefore, they cannot consistently say that 
the capture of the stolen industries by the workers mean an over- 
throw of political government. — Exchange. 



(Seattle Union Record, June 19, 1919.) 
(By the United Press.) 

. . . An address by Jack Kavanagh, president of the British Co- 
lumbia Federation. "They dare not put martial law into effect in 
Winnipeg or Vancouver, for they do not know which way the sol- 
diers will shoot," said Kavanagh. "The government does not trust 
its troops," he said. 

"The apex of capitalistic government reached the height of its 
development during the war. Every action taken by the Ottawa gov- 
ernment toward suppression in Winnipeg will but hasten the down- 
fall of the masters," he said. . . . 

Kavanagh outlined the general strike situation in Vancouver and 

67 



Winnipeg, "The only good the machine guns mounted in Vancouver 
have done," he said, "is to provide amusement for the strikers." 

"A strike where the worker refuses to break the peace is placing 
all the onus on our opponents," he said, "and they are getting 
hysterical." . . . 

. . . "They have threatened me with murder." . . . 



THE REASONS FOR THE CRIME AGAINST RUSSIA 

(Gale's Magazine, December, 1919.) 

There are 6,700,000,000 reasons why international capitalism 
hates Bolshevism and every one of them has a $ mark before it. 

$2,000,000,000 was loaned the Czar from Russia, Brussels, Am- 
sterdam, London and New York before the war. 

$4,700,000,000 more was loaned him between October 1914 and 
October 1915, according to the president of the Russian Chamber of 
Commerce in Paris. 

There are your 6,700,000,000 reasons for intervention in Russia. 

And don't forget how this money was spent. Most of it was used 
by the Czar's army in butchering Russian peasants whenever they 
dared rebel. But a lot of it, too, was spent in New York cabarets 
by titled and epauleted Russian army officers who were living in 
sumptuous splendor on the Czar's borrowed gold. Jack Carney calls 
attention to the fact that "while the soldiers of Russia were being 
shot down by the German soldiers, owing to lack of ammunition, Rus- 
sian officers were themselves spending thousands of dollars with Am- 
erican actresses!" 

Now, when Soviet Russia refuses to pay these debts of. the Czar 
and his drunken diplomats and profligates . . . the United States 
sends its boys in Khaki to kill the men who overthrew such a 
wretched reign! 



(The Crucible, December, 1919.) 

Religion has never been a preventative of crime. 

Love is the power that can reform the world, and love needs 
no religion. 

Hate lurks behind religion and is guilty of more crime than in- 
fidelity ever was. 

Many good people are religious, but they could be as good and 
have no religion. 

The oil king and bank king are fine examples of religious 
profiteers. 

Food profiteers and rent hogs are as a rule members of some? 
religious organization. 



Statistics have shown that eighty-five per cent, of convicted mur- 
derers are religious. 

Religion cannot regenerate the world; for religion is founded on 
ignorance and faith. 

The infamous Packer's Trust, of Chicago, is made up of men who 
promote church graft. 

Religion does not prevent the manufacture of murder implements 
for the use of murderers. 

Religious people are just as anxious to exploit labor as are those 
who have no religion, if not more so. 

Department store corporations which amass millions on the 
slavery of poorly paid shop girls; are noted for their support of re- 
ligious grafters. 

Religion does not give men the ability to carry their illy gotten 
wealth with them when they die. It must be left behind for the bene- 
fit of lawyers and courts. 



(The Socialist Review, December, 1919.) 
"One-sixth of one per cent, of the people own more than 25 
per cent of the private wealth of Australia." 

"President C. F. Kenney of District No. 17, in the West Vir- 
ginia coal fields, writing to Woodrow Wilson, declares: "The coal 
miners of the country have not received a cent of wage increase for 
two full years." 

"Eugene V. Debs was sentenced to ten years imprisonment, Vic- 
tor L. Berger, Adolph Germer, the National Executive Secretary, 
Louis Ehgdahl, editor of the party paper, William Kruse, secretary 
of the Young People's Socialist League, and Irwin Tucker received 
twenty-year sentences, while some 2,000 Socialists in all were ar- 
rested because of their opinion." — Harry W. Laidler. 



HANDS OFF SOVIET RUSSIA 



(The Class Struggle, November, 1919.) 
The imperialists of the world arc continuing their infamous armed 
intervention of Soviet Russia. . . . 

All this is being done because the workers and peasants of Russia 
have cast off the yoke of exploitation and oppression and have devoted 
themselves to the task of reconstructing their life on such foundations 
as will eliminate all oppression of the poor by the rich, all exploi- 
tation of the toilers by the capitalists. That is why the capitalist 
countries, where all the power is concentrated in the hands of the 

69 



big commercial and financial interests, are waging this predatory war 
against Soviet Russia. Defending their class in Russia they are 
thereby protecting their own interests, for they know that the ex- 
ample set by the Russian workers will inevitably be followed by the 
workers of their own countries 

American workers, you must realize this and bear it firmly in. 
mind. You must know that every American soldier sailing for Rus- 
sia, goes there to shed the blood of the Russian workers and peas- 
ants who are now engaged in a desperate struggle against the cap- 
italists of the world — those brigands of the international highways. 
You must bear in mind that every rifle, every cannon, every machine 
gun which is being sent from the United States to Russia means death 
for many Russian workers and peasants who are sacrificing them- 
selves in order that the workers of the world over may be liberated 
from the yoke of international capital. 

Workers of America! it is not sufficient to know and to bear 
all this in mind — you must act accordingly. Your slogan must be: 
"Not a Soldier for War against Soviet Russia, not a Cent, not a 
Rifle to help wage this war." 

This slogan has already been adopted by the British, French and 
Italian workers. In Great Britain, in France, and in Italy, the work- 
ers are refusing to load ships with ammunition and provisions des- 
tined' for the ports of Soviet Russia. The soldiers are refusing to 
g-o to the Russian fronts. 

American workers, you must follow their example! To every in- 
vitation to play the part of Cain towards your Russian brothers* 
to ever request of the American government to enlist for active 
service in Russia, or to load ships for the bloodstained Russian White 
Army, there must be one answer: "Hands off Soviet Russia!" The 
Communist Labor Party of the United States of America. 



(Seattle Union Record, July 19, 1919.) 
Wells and . . . Eugene V. Debs . . . write friend. From Hulet 
M. Wells, a past president of the council, now serving the first months 
of a two-year sentence on McNeil's Island for alleged interference 
with the draft law, the following letter written to a Seattle friend 
was read: "I will now try for the second time to write you a let- 
ter that will be allowed to reach you. My first one was censored, 
so I am copying it, leaving out the sentences said to be objectionable. 
I have now been a prisoner for three weeks, but it seems much longer. 
Prisons may not be as bad as they were in other lands and other 
times — and then again they may be worse — anyway a prison is a 
prison The Liberator is a pure delight to me but I will see 

70 



it no more for the next two years, as it is not allowed in here. Mr. 
Vanderveor brought me over some pamphlets, including Arthur Ran- 
some's 'Open Letter to America,' but I was not allowed to have them. 
. ... It is against the rule to have a pencil or blank paper in our 
cells, so it is impossible to do any studying. We cannot mingle with 
each other in a common corridor as we did in the county jail. Sam 
(Sadler) and I are together in a cell about seven feet square. We 
cannot sit on our bunks, as we are not allowed to let them down till 
night. We have stools to sit on. . . . We have to work at least eight 
hours every day at hard manual labor. . . . We receive no telegrams 
and could not have answered it if we had, but appreciate it just the 
same. There are many things I would like to say, but cannot. Kind 
regards to all you folks. "HULET." 



From Theodore Debs, Gene's brother, the following letter was 
read: "Since Gene's removal to Atlanta Prison .... He is allowed 
to receive no Socialist books, papers or pamphlets, even if sent by 
the publishers. Packages of all descriptions are under the ban. Gene 
is employed in the clothing department. He works from 8 a. m. 
to noon. One hour is allowed for dinner. Returns to the shop at 1 
o'clock and works until 3:30 p. m. Twenty minutes are allowed for 
recreation. Supper is then served and at 5 o'clock sharp he is locked 
in his cell, where he remains until 7 o'clock the next morning. Four- 
teen consecutive hours every day in the week and every week in the 
month in a hot hell hole of a southern prison. This is death by 
slow torture, whatever the officials at Washington may call it. The 
object of his secret removal to the Atlanta Prison is no longer a 
mystery — it is quite obvious. They may, and probably will, break 
his body and shatter his health, but, damn them, they will never break 
his spirit! Nothing that I have sent Gene in the way of books and 
papers reach him and I have an idea that your package fared no 
better. "THEODORE." 



(Seattle Union Record, July 19, 1919.) 
Rev. T. H. Simpson, lumberjack missionary of Aberdeen, who 
probably has more personal acquaintance with the "Wobbly" than any 
other Presbyterian minister in the state, told his brethren in an ad- 
dress delivered .... that "it will do us no good to talk against the 
I. W. W. until we are willing to make ourselves martyrs as they do. 
It is no use to talk of saving a man's soul until you talk of doing 
something to save his body. They are "Stealing Christ." In recognition 
of the fact that the name of Christ usually draws applause from an 
I. W. W. meeting, while mention of the church is hissed, Mr. Simpson 
warned his hearers that "the I. W. W. is stealing Christ from the 
church. 



from rdi L-'OP.j) rcns.j^BR'jARy i^ig. 




The demand of -Preparednrss" oa i»,c American Fa 



CLARENCE, I USED T'HAVE 
A* AMQiT'OW To OW»J AM 
AktoMOBilE factory-- bwt 

I RECKON TH'WG*, <j"£rJ£l?4LL."r' 
TU«N out roc TK'BEST 




J^* 



DETROIT JOURNAL 
MAY 14 1917. 



LO! THE POOR RICH MAN 

72 



THE ART OF STARVATION 



By Scott Nearing 
(Seattle Union Record, August 6, 1919.) 
Civilization is outraged by the starvation of millions of Austri- 
ans, Russians and German women and children. Liberal thought and 
humanitarian instinct unite in their protest against it. Yet starvation 
is one of the arts of civilization. Five thousand years ago starvation 
was used as a method of enriching the King of Egypt 



THE WORKERS' SHARE OF THE GREAT 
VICTORY WAS SMALL 



By Francis Ahern 
(British Columbia Federationist, July 18, 1919.) 

Now that the war is over we are able to balance accounts and 
see how we, in Australia, came out of the bloody business. Sixty 
thousand of our manhood have been slain, double that number have 
been maimed, we have a war debt of $1,500,000,000 (£300,000,000), 
we have lost civil rights including the suppression of free speech, and 
in many cases free press and assemblage, and we have had imposed 
on us a military censorship which was not only barbarous in the ex- 
treme but was used for political purposes in the most barefaced 
manner possible. No mention is made here of the sorrow and suf- 
fering of widows and orphans of those who have been slaughtered, 
the darkened homes, bruised hearts, or distracted minds. 

And while we count what this war has cost us, we have on the 
other hand the knowledge that the capitalists have profited as never 
before, and will doubtless go on profiteering for many years to come. 
In short capitalism has bled Australia in common with all other coun- 
tries engaged in the war, as ruthlessly as the worst enemy could have 
done. Prices were raised by various means until the standard of 
living was actually reduced, and thousands of workers were driven 
still closer to the bread line. It stands as a fact that cannot be chal- 
lenged that the workers today are worse off than they were before 
the war, while the capitalists are considerably wealthier than when 
the first German cannon rumbled through Belgium. 

Today we have the bitter spectacle that the capitalists who were 
about 16,000 miles behind the firing line are drawing some $75,000,000 
(£15,000,000) yearly in interest on war loans, the soldiers who did 
the actual fighting . . . should awaken . . . who made all the sacri- 
fice s, even of their lives 

73 



.... While the profiteer is allowed to go on plundering- more 
audaciously than ever. Freedom was banished from the land, it be- 
came a crime to speak openly ag-ainst the war, and today, though the 
war is over many months, there are still men languishing in jails 
for what can hardly be a crime now. 

Look at it what way you like, the war has proved disastrous 
for Australia. We have sacrificed and lost much, and have g*ot noth- 
ing worth having in return. Instead of getting the peace and pros- 
perity that was promised us, we find ourselves enslaved for many 
generations to come. The only consolation we have is that we art. 
not the only sufferers. 



(Seattle Union Record, July 18, 1919.) 
. . . Reports of the United States Bureau of Labor show that 
the average increase in wages since the war began has been about 
18 per cent, while the average increase in the cost of food has been 
nearly 100 per cent. . . . 



KOLCHAK AIMS TO RESTORE CZARISM— RUSSIANS FIGHTING 

HIM BECAUSE THEY DO NOT WANT 

SHACKLES RESTORED 



(Seattle Union Record, November 26, 1919.) 
Corporal Claude Larson, of Missoula, has returned home after 
a year's service in Siberia. In an interview in the Billings Star he 
gives interesting information concerning Russian conditions. It is 
apparent that he was unable to discern any of the warm support 
accorded the Kolchak tyranny by the Russian workers that the im- 
perialist claims it is receiving. 

"Kolchak's cause, Fm convinced, is doomed. I expect to read 
of his downfall at any time. He has been unable to raise an army 
of volunteers and has begun to draft every man in Siberia between 
the ages of 18 and 45. But it doesn't work out. Practically all the 
Russians are Bolshevists and they think that Kolchak is trying to 
restore the Czar. Kolchak drafts these men for his army, feeds them 
for a few days, gives them a gun and some ammunition — and they 
disappear. The next day they are fighting with the reds against him. 



A BUSINESS MAN WHO SEES 

(Seattle Union Record, November 21, 1919.) 
Henry Scattergood . . . spoke at the Y. W. C. A. He is a 
classmate of Sam Hill. ... He has a pile of money . . . But, like 
Mr. Vanderlip, he is a business man who sees. 

»He spoke to a group of men about what he had learned from 

74 



two years in France in war work. He know the in's and out's of 
the Paris Treaty and peace making. He know . . . the gossip behind 
the scenes. 

"In Europe," he said, "the people are talking about the treaty, 
while Americans are talking about the League of Nations. . . ." 

"The masses in Europe are getting restless . . . There is no use 
of Americans getting scared about Socialism, for it is the working 
belief of Europe." . . . 

He declared that the confiscation of the property of the Germans 
residing in the lands of the Allies was establishing a dangerous pre- 
cedent. It was a practice that had not been indulged in for 300 years. 

"America is now stupidly blockading and starving the Russian:', 
when she ought to be feeding them." .... 

"Labor," said Mr. Scattergood, "is the only group that is doing 
any const ructive thinking .... in meeting the demands of a new 
day. We may see a labor government in England and practically all 
Europe in a year or two. The workers of England do not want to 
fight the workers of other countries." 

"I am ashamed to say it," he said, "But business men do next 
to no thinking. They are moved by their feelings and the most of 
them think only in terms of force, but violence always creates op- 
posing violence." 

"There is no hope except in a new and vital ideal," he said, 
"and the most of this is in the labor movement" — and he was not 
speaking to labor men. Henry Scattergood, of Philadelphia, started 
to visit the Union Record, for it's fame had reached him, and he 
found its doors closed. As he turned away he said: "And this is 
America!" 



LEAGUE CAPITALIST ALLIANCE 



Remember, less than two years ago the Kaiser was one of the 
most powerful men in the world. Less than three years ago the 
Czar was the autocrat of 170,000,000 people. Where are they today 9 
And do you really believe that a revolution which did not stop be- 
fore Kaiser and Czar will stop before the majesty of the money bag? 

The first class is the capitalist class, composed of wealthy bank- 
ers, railway magnates, corporation directors, trust magnates, etc., 
who have made money and are active in business, and people who 
are doing nothing and inherited their wealth. That class forms about 
2 per cent of the Nation. In the income tax figures for 1917 we find 
206 men with millionaire yearly incomes — 10 of them with annual in- 
comes of more than $5,000,000 and 196 with yearly incomes ranging 
from $1,000,000 to $5,000,000. 

75 



STAR— TUESDAY. JUNE 11. 1918. PAGE 



The Handwriting on the Wall 




76 



THE CRIME OF POVERTY 



By Henry George. 
("Everyman," January, 1917.) 

The thing of things that I should like to show you is that poverty 
is a crime. I do not mean that it is a crime to be poor. Murder 
is a crime; but it is not a crime to be murdered. . . . 

A woman comes into the world for every man; and for every 
man who lives a single life, caring only for himself, there is some 

woman who is deprived of her natural supporter And it seem;- 

to me clear that the great majority of those who suffer from pov- 
erty are poor not from their own particular faults, but because of 
conditions imposed by society at large. Therefore, I hold that pov- 
erty is a crime — not an individual crime, but a social crime; a crime 
for which we all, poor as well as rich, are responsible 

I hold, and I think no one who looks at the facts can fail to 

see, that poverty is utterly unnecessary No man, I think, 

ever saw a herd of buffalo, of which a few were fat and the great 
majority lean. No man ever saw a flock of birds, of which two 
or three were swimming in grease, and the others all skin and bone. 
Nor in savage life is there anything like the poverty that festers in 
our civilization 

Think how invention enables us to do with the power of one 
man, what not long ago could not be done by the power of a thou- 
sand And yet we have only begun to invent and dis- 
cover 

So, in every direction, energy that we might utilize goes to 
waste 



THE HUMAN SACRIFICE FOR PROFIT 



If the animals can reason, what must they think of us ? 1 

Think of it, — what a fool .... is a man to pass his life in this 
struggle merely to live? 

I say that all this poverty and the ignorance that flows from it 
is unnecessary; I say that there is no natural reason why we should 
not all be rich, in the sense, not of having more than each other, 
but in the sense of all having enough 

There is no reason why wealth should not be so abundant, that 
no one should think of such a thing as little children at work, or 
a woman compelled to a toil at something that nature never intended 
her to perform .... There is a cause for this poverty and if you 
trace it down, you will find its roots. 

77. 



THE ONE BIG UNION MONTHLY 
July, 1919. 





HERE, IF YOU'RE so 
KE€N FOR INTERVENTION IN MEXICO, 
T/AKS THESE TOOLS YOURSELF 
ANV GO TO IT 8! 



THE MEXICAN SITUATION 



78 



LIFE HARDER THAN IX THE DARK AGES 



What is man? In the first place, he is an animal, 

a land animal, who cannot live without land. All that man producer* 
comes from land . . . Talk about abolishing slavery — we have not 
abolished slavery — we have only abolished one rude form of it, chat- 
tel slavery What does that mean ? 

But, supposing Crusoe had said, "Oh, man and brother, I am 
very glad to see you, and I welcome you to this island, and you 
shall be a free and independent citizen " 

This land question is the bottom question. Man is a land animal. 
Suppose you want to build a house; can you build it without a place 
to put it ? 

Food and clothing and all the many things we need, are all 
produced by work 

We have so reversed the order of nature, that we are accustomed 
to think of a woi king-man as a poor man. 

And if you trace it out I believe you will see that the primary 
cause of this is that we compel those who work to pay others for 
permission to do so. You buy a coat, a horse, a house; there you 
are paying the seller for labor exerted, for something that he has 
produced, or that he has got from the man who did produce it; 
but when you pay a man for land, what are you paying him for. 
You pay him for something that no man produced; you pay him 
for something that was here before man was, or for a value that 
was created, not by him individually, but by the community of which 
you are a part 



AT THE BOTTOM OF SOCIAL QUESTIONS 



Did you ever think what a strange thing it is that men 

cannot find employment? 

If men cannot find an employer, why can they not employ them- 
selves? Simply because they are shut out from the element on which 
human labor can alone be exerted; men are compelled to compete 
with each other for the wages of the employer, because they have 
been robbed of the natural opportunities of employing themselves . . . 
I say. the man who owns the land is the master of those who must 
live on it 

79 




<^&£&L- y '' 



-'0jj& 



FITZPATRICK in SI. Louis Pou- Dispatch 

"Military Necessity" Again 



80 



NOT LAM), BIT IT'S INCOME AND VALUE 



If men took only what they wanted to use we should 

all have enough; but they take what they do not want to use at 

all. Here are a lot of men coming- over here and getting 

titles to our land in vast tracts; what do they want with our land? 
They do not want it at all; it is not the land they want; they have 
no use for .... land. What they want is the income that they 
know they can in a little while get from it. Where does that income 
come from? It comes from labor, from the labor of American citi- 
zens. What we are selling to these people is our children, not 
land 

There is no difficulty in discovering what makes people 

poor. They have no rights to anything that nature gives them. 

All they can make above a living they must pay to the landlord 

These people who work hard, live in hovels, and the landlords, who 
do not work at all — oh! they live in luxury 

Now, what is the cause of that? Why, it is plainly to be seen, 
the people driven off the land in the country are driven into the 
slums of the cities. For every man that is driven off the land, the 
demand for the produce of the workman of the city is lessened; and 
the man himself, with his wife and children, is forced among those 

workmen to compete upon any terms for a bare living Open 

the land that is locked up, that is held by dogs-in-the-manger, who 
will not use it themselves and will not allow anybody else to use 
it, and you would see no more tramps and hear no more of over- 
production when your eyes are once opened you will see 

its inequality and you will see its absurdity. 



NO TAX AND A PENSION FOR EVERYBODY' 



In the country the people are too much scattered; in 

the great cities they are too crowded. Go to a city like New York, 

and there they are jammed together like sardines in a box 

How can you have anything like a home in a tenement of two or 
three rooms? How can children be brought up healthily with no 
place to play? 

What is the reason for this overcrowding of cities? There is 
no natural reason. Take New York, one-half of its area is not built 
upon. Why, then, must people crowd together as they do there? 
Simply because of private ownership of land. There is plenty of 
room to build houses, and plenty of people who want to build houses, 
but before anybody can build a house a blackmail price must be 
paid to some dog-in-the-manger. It costs, in many cases, more to 

81 



get vacant ground upon which to build a house than it does to build 
the house. And then what happens to the man who pays this black- 
mail and builds a house ? Down comes the tax-gatherer and fines 
him for building the house 

Think for yourselves; ask yourselves whether this widespread 
fact of poverty is not a crime, and a crime for which everyone of 
us, man and woman, who does not do what he or she can do to call 
attention to it and to do away with it, is responsible. 



(Seattle Star, June 7, 1919.) 
By Richard Spillane. 

. . . Lenine proposes to abolish money. . . . No one is to be 
paid more for a day's work than another person unless his produc- 
tion is greater. A foreman or superintendent is to be rated the 
same as the laborer and receive the same reward. All persons are 
to be equal. Only those who are slothful or who fall behind the 
established amount of a day's work are to receive less than the com- 
mon rate of pay. ... It is the belief of Lenine that this system 
will stifle greed and end the exploitation of the common man by 
the clever or the crafty man, and prevent the accumulation of power 
or wealth in the hands of the few. . . . 

... In all the world there is only $9,000,000,000 of coined gold 
or gold in bars. The amount of silver coined or in pigs is but 
$3,000,000,000. So, it is that if the coin or markers were to be 
used exclusively there w r ould not be enough in the world to pay 
for much more than one-half of the farm products of America alone 
this year of 1919. . . . 

. . . The world's business is conducted on credit. Superimposed 
on the relatively small base of gold and silver is a towering structure 
of promise — a pledge in evidence of which a piece of paper is given. 
That is the bank note, the bill of exchange, the mortgage and all 
the ramified forms of indebtedness. . . . 



(Seattle Union Record, December, 1919.) 

The congress has a duty to perform, which should be performed 
at once and with thoroughness. 

This country has a right to know and wants to know why Am- 
erican troops are in Siberia, and by what right Mr. President sent 
them there and keeps them there. 

To send armed forces into another country is an act of war 
and invasion. . . . 

82 



This country is cither to be governed in a constitutional and 
lawful manner, or it is not, and the time has come when this ques- 
tion must be settled. 

Within the last few months our troops have been landed in two 
parts of Russia, 6,000 miles apart. They have fought Russian troops 
on Russian soil, and have killed Russian soldiers and been killed by 
Russian soldiers in trench warfare and in open-field fighting 1 . 

And when did the congress declare war upon the Russian Sov- 
iet Republic, which is the only government Russia now has? . . . 

The Soviet Republic has been attacked by British Fleets in the 
Baltic and by the French Fleets in the Black Sea. It has been at- 
tacked on the Artie Coast by a French, British and American ex- 
army. It has been attacked in the southeast by a conglomerate army 
of Cossacks, Poles, conscripted Ruthenians and adventurers and vaga- 
bonds of all sorts, financed, armed and equipped by the British gov- 
ernment; it has been attacked in Siberia by American, Japanese, 
Czecho-Slovak, Buriat, Cossack and forcibly conscripted Serbian 
forces; it has been attacked on the Baltic Coast by Lithuanian and 
Esthonian forces, by left-over German forces and by a conglomerate 
army of conscripts and adventurers under Yudenitch; it has been at- 
tacked by Polish armies. 

And it has beaten off all these attacks; defeated and driven off 
the Allied forces in the Murmansk region; defeated Kolchak and 
driven him from Omsk and Irkutsk, a distance of 1,000 miles; de- 
feated Yudenitch and annihilated his armv. . . . 



OUR CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS 
NOTICE TO ALIENS 



By G. F. Vanderveer. 
(The New Solidarity, October 25, 1919.) 

One of the most difficult problems with which I have had to 
deal in the many cases in which I have represented labor leaders 
or so-called labor agitators, whether members of organized labor, the 
I. W. W. or Socialists, is the problem of deportation. 

Many men active in the labor movement are aliens. A few T , per- 
haps prefer to retain their foreign citizenship; many, on account of 
the migratory character of their labor, are unable to acquire Unitec? 
States citizenship. Such men, if they dare to think and speak their 
views about labor questions, are sooner or later arrested by either 
the police or the state authorities, or occasionally, in the first in- 
stance, by Inspectors of Immigration; and if no other charge can 

83 



be lodged against them they are charged, under the 1918 amendment 
to the immigration laws, with themselves advocating or belonging to 
an organization which advocates the unlawful destruction of property 
or the overthrow of political government and are held for deportation. 

Every person so charged has a technical right, both in law and 
under the rules of the Department of Labor, to be represented by 
counsel, but it has often happened in my experience with such cases 
that he is not informed of this right, and, being a law abiding citizen 
unacquainted with court procedure, is either unaware of the fight 
or hesitates to antagonize government officials by asserting it. 

Notwithstanding that the right of arrest in all civil cases has 
been generally established by constitutional provisions and the right 
of bail in all criminal cases, except murder, is fundamental and writ- 
ten in the spirit and letter of all our laws, I have known the Depart- 
ment of Labor in many cases to vigorously oppose the granting of 
bail to aliens who sought to test the legality of their detention by 
habeas corpus. In fact, the attitude of the Department of Labor 
seems to be that any attempt to question their proceedings by habeas 
corpus is a personal affront, and they do not hesitate to visit their 
displeasure upon both the alien and his attorney. In many cases, 
when it was known that I intended to apply for habeas corpus, I 
have been denied the right to either inspect or secure copies of the 
record in the deportation proceedings. 

Every lawyer is trained to respect courts of justice. It is a tra- 
dition with the profession and becomes an instinct with the individ- 
ual. For a long while, obedient to this instinct, I have tried to look 
upon these deportation proceedings as judicial, cr quasi-judicial, in 
character, which in theory they are, and have attempted to treat 
them with respect. But long experience has finally convinced me 
that they are an utter farce and that I am a fool. I have taken 
counsel with other attorneys about the various matters above re- 
ferred to, and find that in a large measure their own experience has 
been the same as my own, their own opinions are in consequence 
the same as my own, and we have agreed upon a course of procedure 
which, however undignified it may appear, will defeat the present 
autocratic methods of the Department of Labor and either drive 
them to more autocratic extremes, so outrageous that an indignant 
public sentiment will spontaneously condemn them, or, as is to be 
hoped, compel the Department to conduct its proceedings in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the law and with some regard for the 
rights of the accused. 

I accordingly advise all aliens who have ever been active in 
labor work that whenever they are arrested and booked by any of- 
ficer of the law, whether city, or federal, and no matter what the 
charge, they shall refuse to give their true names, their true ages, 

84 



their citizenship, place of birth, Dr any information about the time 
and manner of their immigration to the United States, or their move- 
ments since landing; also that they shall refuse to give any in- 
formation about their connection with any labor organization, and 
shall refuse to discuss its philosophy or tactics, or their own opin- 
ions regarding such matters, until they can secure the advice of a 
reliable attorney. On the first appearance of any representative of 
the United States Department of Labor, or anyone suspected of be- 
ing such, request the presence of your attorney and refuse to make 
any statements whatever at any time in his absence. 

If this advise is followed literally I believe it will be utterly 
impossible in nine cases out of ten for Immigration Inspectors to 
secure any evidence upon which to base a warrant of deportation, and 
I am certain in even a larger percentage of cases it will be impos- 
sible to execute such a warrant even if made, for the reason that 
many of the foreign countries, particularly Canada, are very reluctant 
to receive these deportees, and can and do refuse to do so except 
upon presentation of satisfactory evidence that they are citizens of 
such country. 

I realize that persons following this advice may be subjected to 
personal indignities, or even abuse; and that many of them will be 
"held for investigation" for varying periods of time. These autocratic 
practices are unavoidable under any circumstances. In many states- 
there are penal statutes requiring officers to admit attorneys to pris- 
oners in their keeping; in every state a prisoner has a fundamental 
right to consult an attorney. In some states if a public offense is 
known to have been committed, of which the prisoner is suspected 
of being guilty, the courts will permit police authorities to retain 
custody a "reasonable time" for the purpose of securing and prepar- 
ing evidence necessary to the issuance of a warrant. This, however, 
is the limit beyond which no state will go, and if an attorney is 
promptly secured he will be able to force the prisoner's discharge 
by habeas corpus proceedings within a few days at the outside. 



(Nonpartisan Leader, December 1, 1919.) 
. . . We stand opposed to any form of compulsory military train- 
ing . . . We demand for all people the right of free speech and 
peaceful assemblage as written into the Constitution of the United 
States of America. . . . 

We, the World War Veterans, oppose any declaration of war 
without first submitting the issue to the peoples of the United 
States of America, except in case of invasion by armed forces of the 
territory of the United States of America. 

In event of war, all profits made by any individual or corpora- 

85 



tion, over and above such profit made by any such individual oi- 
corporation in the year prior to such declaration of war, shall be 
paid to the United States government by any and all such individuals 
or corporations during the period of said war and become the prop- 
erty of the United States government. 

The Constitution of the United States of America to be amended 
only by a direct vote of all the people. In case of national crisis, 
the suffrage to be extended to all franchised citizens absent from their 
place of residence due to government duties. 

The enforcement of the Constitution of the United States of 
America as it is written. 

We oppose exploitation of our patriotism and loyalty by any 
group of people for their selfish interests, and we object to being used 
to unfairly keep down wages and the standard of American living. 

We indorse, an honest and fair national bonus for all ex-service 
men and women not dishonorably discharged from the United States 
sercive, and who participated willingly in the recent world war. All 
bonuses to be paid from funds derived by taxation of all incomes 
in excess of $25,000 annually. 

We demand that the proper authorities bring about an immediate 
investigation and reviewal of all court-martial cases. 



(Detroit News, March, 1917.) 
By George B. Catlin. 

..... Russia puts an end to the most powerful autocracy of 
the world and establishes a constitutional government of some sort 

in place of the power of a single man Property rights and 

prerogatives which have made him potentially and actually the 
richest man in the world. His possessions in the form of crown 
lands, consisting of the best agricultural areas, rich mines and forest 
tracts, amounted to more than 1,000,000 square miles, or nearly 
four times the area of the state of Texas. The Romanoff family, 
which is held distinct from all other members of the nobility, is 
said to hold about 690,000,000 acres of land. There is no authentic 
report as to the actual cash income of the Czar. According to M. 
Prelooker, it amounted to about $12,500,000 a year. According to 
the Almanach Hachette it was $42,500,000, or about $85 a minute. 
Somewhere between these two estimates one may look for his actual 
income in addition to his landed property. The grand dukes and 
grand duchesses who are said to be 46 in number, have an income 
from the state exchequer of $10,000,000 beside other forms of income. 

86 



DETROIT TIMES se 



SEPT 20, 1916. 



Leading a Blind British Soldier to Paddle 




Visitor* at one of the homes in England for blind soldiers lead them 
out on the beach to paddle. This photograph shown a little girl who is 
acting as tho guide for one of the men who lost his sight in the trenches. 



JAILING INVENTORS 



(Seattle Union Record, August 16, 1919.) 

What do we think of the men who imprisoned Columbus and 
Paul and Luther and Galileo and Bunyan — and the vast host of pris- 
oners ? They were certainly meddling mossbacks. 

What would we do with rulers who proposed imprisoning Edison 
and Marconi and Henry Ford? And closing down the patent office 
at Washington ? They would be deposed for insanity. 

It should be imbedded in the public mind that inventors, pioneers 
— in every realm — should not only be tolerated, but encouraged. Orig- 
inal thinking is so rare and valuable that everyone possessing the 
faculty should be encouraged, even pensioned — whether the think- 
ing be about religion or industry or politics. 

What fools the fathers were to jail Bunyan! What fools we'd 
be to jail Edison! What fools we are to jail some of our bravest 
pioneers in the political and industrial worlds! 



TAXES IN IRELAND 



(Seattle Union Record, July 15, 1919.) 
Judge J. M. Hall, in his address at the Moore Sunday evening 
gave some startling figures about taxation in Ireland. When Ire- 
land had 8,000,000 population, her cost of government was $37,- 
000,000, but when her population had been cut in half her taxes had 
doubled. There are two British office-holders in Ireland for every 
three laborers. In England there are less than 1,000 office-holders 
receiving more than $800 per year, while in Ireland there are 4,400. 
In all there are now 160,000 British officials in Ireland, and Ire- 
land's cost of government in 1917 was $175,000,000 and in 1918 
$200,000,000. 



THAT INVESTMENT 



(Seattle Union Record, June 28, 1919.) 
Some enterprising and patient comptometer has figured the cost 

of the late (or shall we say current?) war to be $260,000,000,000. 
Or, expressed in words of one and two syllables, two hundrect 

and sixty billions of dollars. 

If you are not in a hurry, stop and think of that for a few 

minutes. 



Wrap your mind around it in an intelligent and comprehensive 
manner. 

We ought to have a good deal to show for an outlay of that size. 
And what we have to show ought to be worth showing — Good 
Morning. 



(Seattle Union Record, May 17, 1919.) 
. . . Pauly and Haylett give accounts of men imprisoned for 
misdemeanors being thrown into a frozen lake. This was done on 
the orders of commissioned officers, they declare. Men were also 
taken out of the guard-house at midnight, stripped of their clothes 
and doused with ice water, they said. 

Y. M. C. A. Is Scored 

Both these returned men are especially bitter when discussing 
the Y. M. C. A. Company E received but little sugar during their 
13 months' stay at Eclaron. This commodity, together with jam, 
butter and milk, was freely taken from the soldiers' rations for the 
officers' mess. "The officers got the best cuts of meat, and jam 
for their own tables, and what few good things were left went 
to the Y. M. C. A.," said Pauly. 'Then the organization would turn 
around and sell us our own food, which had been stolen from our 
rations. The Y. M. C. A. sold us cocoa at 10 cents a cup which 
was sweatened with the sugar they had stolen from us." 

For a long time, according to Pauly and his friend, the engi- 
neers were forced to eat hardtack because there was apparently no 
bread coming in their rations. Later, however, it was discovered 
that the bread was going to the homes of French civilians, while 
the engineers went hungry. Five sacks of bread were found in 
one French civilian home by an investigating engineer. 

"The best part of our pay was spent in buying food," sairt 
Paulv 



("Viereck's" New World, February 21, 1917.) 
J. P. Morgan and the Press From the Con- 
gressional Record, Feb. 9, 1917, Vol. 54, No. 53, pp. 3320-21. 

In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel shipbuild- 
ing, and powder interests, and their subsidiary organizations, got 
together 12 men high up in the newspaper world and employed them 
to select the most influential newspapers in the United States and a 
sufficient number of them to control generally the policy of the daily 

press of the United States These men worked the problem out 

by selecting 179 newspapers They found it was only neces- 

89 



sary to purchase the control of 25 of the greatest papers. The 
25 papers were agreed upon; emissaries were sent to purchase the 
policy, national and international, of these papers; an agreement 
was reached; the policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for 
by the month; an editor was furnished for each paper to properly 
supervise and edit information regarding the question of prepared- 
ness, militarism, financial policies, and other things of national and 
international nature considered vital to the interests of the 
purchasers 



(The Detroit News, September 26, 1916.) 

Lafollette defends Wilson's action The Wisconsin 

senator charges that millions of dollars were expended by the rail- 
roads during the pendency of their negotiations with the trainmen 
in an effort to influence sentiment against the demands of the train- 
men for an eight-hour day. 

"These millions did not come from the profits of the railroad 
owners." said Lafollette. "They came from the funds of the treas- 
uries of the railroads. This campaign was conducted with money 
that really belonget to the people." 



THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST MEXICO 



(Seattle Union Record, December 8, 1919.) 

Mexico's revolution is 62 years old this year. The constitution 
which Carranza established is a 1917 edition of the one whiei her 
peons wrote in 1857. Wall Street would have Americans think tha* 
Carranza's document was written to confiscate oil wells, but in re- 
ality the code which is called the most democratic and humanitarian 
document in the western hemisphere, is a sign that the desire of 
the Mexican for freedom and peace has lived uncuenched through 
62 years of oppression by foreign governments. 

We are told by the interventionists that Mexico is a wild ana 
ignorant land, but 62 years ago her peons were responsible enough 
and wise enough to frame a document guaranteeing rights which most 
of us do not enjoy in the United States today, and to fight for it 
in the teeth of the Catholic Church and the world's capitalist gov- 
ernments. A brief history of the last 100 years of Mexico is given 
in a pamphlet by Arthur Thomson, of Oakland, California, entitled 
"The Conspiracy Against Mexico." 

For 300 years before 1810 Mexico had been ruled by Spain, with 
the Church of Rome owning most of the land, and Spanish nobles 
running next. The peons went starved, untaught in schools, un- 

90 



cared for in illness. Agriculture was the only occupation, and in 
1810 the people broke forth in an agrarian revolution which sought 
democratic control of the land. 

The Revolution Lost 

"Independence and the Land" was their rallying cry through 
LO \ ■« ars. But at the end of that time their high hopes were wrecked, 
for though the country obtained its independence from Spain it re- 
mained economically enslaved to a landed aristocracy and to the 
Catholic clergy. 

Not until 1857 did the peens under the leadership of Benito 
Jaurez, again rise to establish a constitution whose first article de- 
clared the rights of man arc at the foundation of all social institu- 
tions. "In the republic everyone is born free," declared the second 
article, making Mexico a haven for fugitive slaves. The article 
declared all education to be free. The fourth read, "Every man is 
free to adopt the profession, trade or work that suits him, it being 
useful and honest; and to enjoy the product thereof." 

The contract system of labor was abolished, and the monastic 
orders suppressed. Free speech and press were established. Civil 
laws were made applicable to all alike, and the church holdings were 
confiscated, and church and state were made independent. 

Immediately upon the promulgation of the constitution, church 
and army arrayed themselves against it. Papal bulls and threats 
of excommunication were visited upon a humble people torn be- 
tween a longing for freedom and justice, and a superstitious rever- 
ence for the church, with the result that for four years the country 
seethed with civil war. But in 1861 the constitutionalist army en- 
tered Mexico City and on January 11 Juarez and his cabinet re- 
established constitutional rule in Mexico. 

But, like Russia today, this young democracy was a challenge* 
to the capitalism of the world — it had to be destroyed! On October 
31, France, England and Spain signed a contract in London pledg- 
ing themselves to a joint invasion of Mexico for the purpose of over- 
throwing the constitutional government, and establishing in its place 
a monarchy, supported by bayonets. 

10 Years of Peace 

On January 2, 1862, the fleets of the three allies entered the 
harbor of Vera Cruz. Finally, after Juarez had officially recognized 
the financial claims against Mexico by the allies, England and Spain 
withdrew from the intervention, but the French remained. Max- 

91 



imilian, an Austrian prince, was offered the emperorship of Mexico 
by Napoleon III of France, and on December 12, 1864, he entered 
Mexico City. 

After playing into the hands of the trinity of privilege Maxi- 
milian was imprisoned and later shot on May 19, 1867. And on July 
15, 1867, President Jaurez and his cabinet entered Mexico City. In- 
tervention was at an end, and now began the work of reconstruction. 

For nine years then until Porfirio Diaz conspired his way to power, 
Mexico enjoyed "agrarian democracy." A million peons became 
farmers on their own land. Education was fostered. A national rail- 
road system was begun. Jaurez "aimed at the national constitution, 
ownership and operation of all the means of transportation and com- 
munication within the country." Foreign speculators and concession- 
is ts were shut out. 

But in 1876 this peaceful, growing republic met violent death 
at the hands of Porfirio Diaz, backed, it is commonly admitted, by 
the railroad and industrial speculators and concession-seekers of Am- 
erica, France and England. 



MOTHER JONES APPEALS FOR VIOLENCE IN GARY SPEECH 



(The Post-Intelligencer, October 24, 1919.) 

We reproduce the following clipping from the Seattle Post In- 
telligencer as a splendid example of the newspaper bunk that is 
regularly served up for that large army of dupes known as head- 
line readers. The P. -I., in screaming headlines, announces that 
"Mother Jones appeals for Violence." A careful reading of the news- 
item, however, will disclose the fact that Mother Jones merely ap- 
pealed to the workers to show more spirit in defending their rights. 



Gary, Ind., Oct, 23. — Declaring herself to be a Bolshevik and 
making the first public appeal for violence since the steel strike be- 
gan in Gary, Mother Jones spoke to 1,200 strikers and their wives 
in Turner Hall this afternoon, following refusal of the authorities 
to permit her to appear on the platform in East Side Park. 

"So this is Gary," said Mother Jones, who was cheered for five 
minutes. "Well, we are going to change the name. We are going 
to take over the steel works and we are going to run them for Uncle 
Sam. It's the damned gang of robbers and their political thieves 
that will start the American revolution, and it won't stop until every 
last one of them is gone. 

"We don't want any welfare workers' sympathy, Y. M. C. A., 
churches and charity brigades. Those institutions are built on our 

92 



backs. We want justice. I'll be 90 years old the first of May. 
You can arrest me, but I'll be free. I can raise more hell in jail 
than out. If Bolshevism is what I understand it to be, then I am 
a Bolshevik from the bottom of my feet to the top of my head. 
All the world's history never produced a more brutal and savage time 
than this, and, Mr. Soldier, I'm ready to prove my statement that 
we've got to change or this nation will perish. This is the century 
of the worker. All through human history man has been toiling and 
dreaming to this day. Christ was the world's greatest agitator, but 
I defy any one to tell me Christianity reigns. A lot of hypocrites 
are trying to hypnotize us to get down on our knees to the damned 
robbers. For Christ's sake be men and women." . . . 



ALL ABOUT THE LAND OF PEACE AND JUSTICE! 



(Seattle Union Record, November 4, 1919.) 

"Listen here!" a brother of ours calls from Bisbee, Arizona. We 
listen there, and he passes to us a heart throb out of Soviet Rus- 
sia. It's a throb of joy, received by one "Friend Dick," from a 
dweller in Soviet Russia. 

Who among you wants to live at least a week in a "land of 
peace and justice" ? Who among you would fain be "sure where 
your living will come from the day that is ahead of you"? Who of 
you have envied the life that was lived in the Garden of Eden 
before Eve pieced between meals. According to all good Chamber 
of Commerce rules, such joy as this should not be for deserters 
and anarchists, should it now? Friend Dick's correspondent ad- 
mits himself to be both, and yet he is leading a life of blissful hap- 
piness in Soviet Russia. We see the collective eyebrows of the 
Chamber of Commerce raised to a startling elevation. 

The happy dweller in Soviet Russia was a Canadian soldier, 
who worked in Bisbee before he joined the Canadian army, and 
through some miracle of miracles a letter from him reached Friend 
Dick unmolested: 

"Friend Dick: You will be surprised when you see this stamp 
because I do not believe that my words will reach you. I will write 
it, anyhow, whether you get it or not. You may call me a traitor, 
but if you know the truth — you are a traitor yourself. Traitor of 
whom? Of yourself and your own class. I deserted Canadian army 
and joined Bolsheviki, and every other Canadian, American, Eng- 
lish or French soldier who has had the chance did the same." 

We havo still worse horrors in store for the Chamber of Com- 
merce. The friend of Friend Dick who is so happy is now by his 

93 



own admission "the greatest anarchist on earth," and he is helping 
the Soviet government in its plans to make the rest of the world 
safe for happiness. 

"After I lived a week under the peace and justice loving Soviet 
government and their honest press explained to me the truth about, 
your militaristic and capitalistic, murderous imperialism, I be- 
came 'the greatest anarchist who ever lived on the earth and I just 
wanted to go back, join the Russian army and fight against the Al- 
lies until I died. But Soviet told me, 'No, partner, that is foolish; 
you stay here and teach our young Russians the English language and 
when the right time comes we will send you to your own country, 
where you will explain the truth to millions of others, the same as 
we have explained to you." 

He says the Russians are teaching right in the public schools 
English, Spanish and Chinese. "In 15 years from now we will be 
able to send our teachers and our writers to every country on the 
face of our globe, regardless with what color, race or language that 
country may be populated. 

"Find out for yourself which is the easiest way to get into the 
country ruled by the Soviet Russia. I cannot give you any advice, 
so you must find out yourself. But get in here as fast as you can. 
To live a week under Soviet you will enjoy it more than you have 
enjoyed 40 years in England and the United States. 

"To try to describe to you the liberty that I am enjoying would 
be useless, because you do not know what the liberty is, so I cannot 
describe it to you. But you have read the Bible and you remember 
reading about the Adam and Eve, how they lived in Eden before 
they ate the apple. Well, you have that much liberty here, and still 
you are sure where your living will come from the day that is aheaa 
of you." 

The greatest anarchist on earth is a Bible reader, you see. We 
think it is a good point, but we doubt whether even that will carry 
weight with the Chamber of Commerce. 



(Seattle Union Record, January 20, 1920.) 
"It is not necessary for the federal afficials or police to stage 
any more raids on Russians such as were made," .... declared 

Henry Dubow 

"We have applied for passports back to our own country, have 
been denied them and the only thing left is to protest to the peo- 
ple of this city against the harsh treatment being meted out to us. 
We do not w T ish to be arrested every other day and thrown into 
a filthy jail. We are willing to pay our own way out of the coun- 
try if they will let us go." 

94 




twice mzsmjLTZ.n bx was?. 

Not only hat* France an army of f** .therless children to care 
fcat many old people who have b< i*n driver* from their home* 



95 



(Union Record, January 22, 1920.) 
. . . The estimated wealth of Great Britain is $90,000,000,000, 
against which there is a national debt of $40,000,000,000 .(44 per 
cent of the whole), besides municipal debts represented by industrial 
stocks and bonds. 

The estimated wealth of France is $65,000,000,000, against which 
there is a national debt of 54 per cent of the whole, beside muni- 
cipal debts, industrial stocks, bonds and huge issues of unsecured 
paper money. 

Italy, with an estimated wealth of $25,000,000,000 is in a po- 
sition relatively the same as that of France. Japan, with an esti- 
mated wealth of $28,000,000,000, is in the best financial position of 
any of the allies, but no one knows how far she will go in the 
support of a European credit from which she has nothing to gain 
and a great deal to lose. 



(Seattle Union Record, November 26, 1919.) 
Twelve thousand Russians, now living in and around Seattle, 

want to go back to Russia 

Paul Grib, chairman of the committee appointed by the Rus- 
sians for making arrangements for the departure of those who wish 
to return to Russia, said . . . many lines of work and business, 
were on the lists of those who want to return to Bolshevik ter- 
ritory . . . 

Following is a copy of the resolution adopted by the mass meet- 
ing, which was presented to Saunders: 

Copy of Resolution 

"We, the Russian colony of Seattle and vicinity, in mass meet- 
ing assembled, are voicing our protest against the unwarranted ar- 
rest of individual members of said colony for no other crime than 
their political convictions and natural sympathy with their native 
land and the Russian Soviet Republic, which convictions and sym- 
pathy none of us ever tried to conceal. 

"We, the Russian citizens, call the attention of the government 
of the United States to the fact that we, including those arrested 
for their loyalty to the workers' republic, do not want to suffer in 
your prisons. And if the government of the United States is in- 
clined to regard us as undesirables, we request that the boundaries 
be opened, the bars be lifted and we be permitted to return to our 
homes, where families and friends are longing for our return. 

"We are citizens of the Russian Federative Soviet Republic, and 
declare it to be our inalienable right and duty to show our loyalty 

96 



to our chosen republic, as it Is the right of the American people 
to be loyal to their republic, and we give our lives for the revolu- 
toinary proletariat of Russia. 

"We are proud of our brothers, who, in the name of honor anrr 
justice, have fought against the bloody rule of the Czar and are now 
fighting for the preservation of the Russian Soviet Republic. 

Asks Peace on Earth 

"We are protesting against those who, in order to gain their 
personal aims, are trying to crush the Russian revolutionary prole- 
tariat, whose chief aim is peace and justice, not only for the Rus- 
sian workers, but for all humanity as well. 

"We are in full accord with our freedom and humanity loving 
brothers, and declare ourselves to be what is commonly known a>, 
Bolsheviks. 

"If the solidarity with our Russian brothers, thus displayed by 
us, does not for any reason meet with the approval of the author- 
ities here, we, as a committee, ask to be permittted to return to our 
native land. 

"(Signed) Paul Grib, Ehiel Levitt, Filimon Matorin, E. Zolatun, 
S. Chivieck." 



(A Super-Souvenir, From Detroit," 1917.) 

.... Following aie the approximate amounts of various ma- 
terials entering into the manufacture of 700,000 Ford cars, based 
on the figures for previous years. 

Four carloads of spark plugs each month. 

310,464 tons of steel. 

80,311 square feet rubber cloth material in the tops. 

2,800,000 each of wheels and tires. 

3,500,000 lamps. 

6,209,280 feet of Vanadium steel shafting and gear axles. 

2,950,000 feet of exhaust pipe. 

3,450,000 square feet of glass in Ford windshields. 

9,800,000 pounds of steel in Ford magnetos. 

24,791 miles of wiring used in magnetos. 

3,041,825 pounds of solder. 

6,158,000 square feet galvanized metal in gasoline tanks. 

45,000 horse power developed in Ford power house. 

22 tons of coal per hour, used for power. 

29,512,000 cubic feet of gas required each day. 



IV2 miles of conveyor tracks. 
312 Vo. gallons of lubricating oil used every hour. 
35,000 gallons of fuel used daily in heat treating steel. 
100,000 people are engaged in making and selling Ford cars 
in all parts of the world. 



(Gale's Magazine, October, 1919.) 

It would take an army of men and women and thousands of 
newspapers working day and night, to deny the lies about Mexico 
with anything like the rapidity with which they are circulated. 

Not long tigo, that association of arch-falsifiers, the Associated 
Press, sent out a story telling of the withdrawal of the Canadian 
Pearsons from Mexico. This company owns the Mexican Northwest 
Railroad in Chihauhau and extensive lumber interests. It was al- 
leged that the Mexican government had confiscated lands of the rail- 
road. As soon as they heard the yarn, president and vice-president 
of the company, issued a categorical denial. Their lands have not 
been confiscated. They have had no trouble whatever with the 
Mexican government. The story had not one iota of truth in it. 

This is a sample of the lies being retailed out to the American 
people in order to create public sentiment in favor of war with 
Mexico. 

There is no mistaking the fact that public opinion in the United 
States is overwhelmingly against intervention in Mexico. 



(Grit, February 4, 1917.) 
.... Fifty years ago a man worth $1,000,000 was a rarity in 
the United States. Now there are 120 persons in this country whose 
incomes range near $1,000,000 a year. There are 209 persons who 
have incomes of from $500,000 to $1,000,000. There are 10,671 mil- 
lionaires in the country, of whom 3,810 are worth $2,000,000 or 
more. These facts are taken from the income tax returns for 1919 
filed with the Treasury Department in Washington 



("The International Socialist Review," March, 1917.) 
By Mary E. Marcy. 

We are not concerned personally with the causes of 

this German declaration. We workers own no ships nor stock in 
shipping companies .... to meet death in an ice-watery grave in 
mid-ocean .... 

The working class of America refused to be hoodwinked . . . 
The American workers must be aroused on these points; they must 



bo shown just what is proposed and about what is to happen. They 

must not be permitted to blindly put their heads into the noose 

All power lies in the hands of the working class. There can be no 
wars, no navy, no army, no munitions, or guns, or transportation 

or provender without the labor of the working class But the 

American workers can walk out of the mines, leave their engines, 
lay down their tools, put their hands in their pockets and go home, 
and thus declare beyond any shadow of a doubt that they will nox 
make war on any nation for the benefit of the profit-taking class 

of America! We believe in war, but war upon the enemy 

of our own class — Capitalism! 



PREPAREDNESS 



By Yon Cassius. 
(Oregon Labor Press, November 20, 1915.) 

The biggest thing going now is PREPAREDNESS. 

This is the new name for militarism. 

It sounds better than the old word .... 

Yes, we are all interested in preparedness of one kind 

Of course they deprecate war — they just abhor the thought of it. 

They only want to spend a few millions for DEFENSE. 

Sure, but isn't that just what the same crowd has been saying 
in Germany, England, France, Russia and the rest of the European 
countries for a century or so? 

What is the difference between the European Militarist and the 
Yankee Preparationist? 

A gun man is a gun man wherever you find him. . . . 

But if we don't want that stuff let's steer clear of it. 

Let's not do the things that clearly lead up to it. . . . 

This Big Noise has inadvertently boosted the Swiss System. 
Fine. . . . 



(The Michigan Socialist, March 23, 1917.) 

Frank P. Walsh .... has made the following statement 

"Law and civilization are based on the rights of men 

All war is but a struggle between different nationalistic groups of 
the ruling class, and the present conflict in Europe is but one of those 
gigantic struggles on the part of the imperalistic groups of capitalists 
for the purpose of getting possession of the trade routes and world's 
market. So it is no act of wisdom on the part of the workers of 
any land to lay down their lives in the interest of that class 

99 



Therefore, the only way to put an end to war is to abolish its cause 
by taking out of the hands of those who now own them, the means 
of wealth production — mills, mines, factories, railroads, etc. — and re- 
store the same to those who labor — thereby establishing- a social 
system that would make it possible for the workers to obtain thr 
full social value of their product/" 




BX2RACT FH0M THB 

satobday mmma 

POST 



100 



DRIVING THE MENNONITES OUT 



Methods Used in South Dakota Against This Religious Cult De- 
scribed in Letter to Editor — Move to Canada. 



(La Follette's Magazine, June 19, 1918.) 
Dear Editor: 

Charles D. Stewarts' letter in your January number "Prussian- 
izing Wisconsin," is very interesting in showing how people were 
induced to put over Liberty Loans. In the writer's opinion the means 
employed in Wisconsin were not half as bad as those employed by 
South Dakota "patriots;" not only were all the methods described 
in Stewarts' letter employed here but our committee of bankers 
in company with states attorney, county commissioner and other flag- 
waving patriots went to one particular farm, owned and for years 
occupied by a colony of Mennonites — who conscientiously object to all 
wars and strife — and took from them over 1,000 head of sheep and 
over 150 head of cattle of the estimated value of not less than 
$25,000, and sold same to parties unknown to the writer, returning 
to the farmers between $12,000 and $13,000 of the Liberty Bonds, 
claiming that the balance of the money had been used for expenses 
in driving off and keeping and selling the stock. 

No court proceedings were had; no warrants were issued by any 
couit authorizing the gang to drive off the stock. The crime com- 
mitted by there inoffensive people was that they were of Swiss, Dutch 
and German extraction, very religious and would not on account of 
religious scruples subscribe for $10,000 worth of bonds that had 
been allotted against them by this self-constituted patriotic commit- 
tee. But that was not the only outrage against constitutional rights 
and common decency committed. The so-called council of defense 
levied an assessment of from 2 to 5 per cent against some people for 
war purposes and other expenses, all clearly in violation of the con- 
stitution and laws of the state. 

Result. These people, that were induced to emigrate from Rus- 
sia and settle in the then wild territory of Dakota in the early 
seventies, who by hard work and braving all kinds of hardships have, 
in conjunction Vith other foreign immigrants, made this state what 
is has become, now one of the most prosperous states in the Union, 
have been driven out. Things were made so unpleasant for them, 
that they disposed of their holdings at a sacrifice — and moved after 
a continuous residence of 45 years, to the wild west of Canada whicli 
government nas received them with open arms and agreed with them 
to allow them to practice their religious cult in peace; and the landed 

101 



possessions they left behind here went into the hands of a syndicate 
of land sharks who undoubtedly will make big profits out of the con- 
temptible means employed by a lot of self-styled patriots. 

Very truly yours, 



HELEN KELLER SEES 



(The New World, June, 1919.) 
Lameness is not of the limbs or blindness of the eyes. If the 
heart leaps out to other hearts and the souls, small things like bodily 
imperfections become exactly that — small things. I am what the work! 
calls blind, but I deny that I am blind, and I declare that there need 
be no such thing as blindness.) The only actual blindness is that 
of ignorance and insincerity. — Helen Keller. 



WHAT IS PROFIT? 



By David P. Berenberg. 
(The Commonwealth, November 8, 1919.) 
Where did the capitalist's profit come from ? Labor built the 
machine, labor mined the metal from which it was made, labor mined 
the coal which runs the machine. Labor runs the machine itself; 
labor produced the raw material which the machine turns into finished 
goods. The owner of the machine, the capitalist, then takes the prod- 
uct. Suppose that this is worth $100,000. Of this he has had to 
pay out about $30,000 for material, the keeping of his machine and 
rent; he gives about $35,000 to his laborers in wages. The other 
$35,000, he keeps. Who made this $35,000 worth of goods ? Did the 
capitalist? Or did the laborer? 



(Appeal to Reason, February 20, 1915.) 
The deposits in the postal savings bank greatly increased the 
past year. They now total about $60,000,000. As it is now, this 
money is turned into private banks for them to use. If the govern- 
ment used it in employing the idle as it has every right to do, it 
could retain $10,000,000, sufficient to secure the deposits, and have 
$50,000,000 with which to do necessary work and make jobs for work- 
ers. Beside, if it was found that the money was being used in this 
way, the postal deposits would double in a month, and the hard 
times would be at an end. The government can become master of 
the situation and end distress at any moment it wishes. The con- 
tinuation of the deplorable conditions is due to the criminality of 
lawyers whom you elect to office on old party tickets. 

102 



(Union Record— Daily Edition, July 5, 1919.) 
In the report of Frank P. Walsh and Edward P. Dunne, repre- 
sentatives of the Irish-American societies, on conditions in Ireland 
as they declare they found them, are general charges of wholesale 
killings and imprisonment without a parallel since the days of Span- 
ish rule in Cuba; of the use of the iron hand to put down that love 
of liberty which is in every human heart; of starvation, deportation 
and misery; of disease and filth and recking prisons. 



(Ford's Guide, 1916.) 



A few people believed that the East could be reached by sail- 
ing west 

Columbus was not the first to believe this, but he was the 
one who dared try to prove it to the world. At first he found it 
hard work to get those who could help him interested in an ocean 
trip to prove that the East could be reached in a new w T ay 

Of course, the men were afraid and Columbus had to work 
hard to keep them from turning against him, or from returning 
home. He even changed his course to please the men. 

Later he found out that if he had not done this he would have 
reached land several days earlier. 

Columbus started his voyage in August, 1492, and on the 
morning of October 12th, a little more than two months later, he 
saw land for the first time during this voyage 

Columbus tried to find India but found America instead 



UNCLE SAM'S EXPENSIVE LOTTERY 



(Oregon Labor Press, November 27, 1916.) 

... A grand drawing of 700 prizes, tickets one dollar each, 
.'30,000 tickets to be sold 

This being the case, what excuse is there for the United States 
government conducting a lottery? On November 4, a drawing was 
held in North Dakota at which 700 prizes were distributed to as many 
more or less lucky winners. There were 29,861 losers. 

The prizes were homestead sites in an Indian reservation thrown 
open to settlement 

Only an immoral concern like the old Louisiana Lottery Company 
would run matters that way. . . . 

The losers are worse off as a result than if they had been al- 
lowed to play the Louisiana lottery. 

The worst feature of it all is that the proceeding was unneces- 
sary. There is much more than enough unused land in the United 

103 



States to furnish better homesteads to all who want them than is 
in this reservation. But the United States government and all state 
governments insist on encouraging the owners of unused land to 
keep on holding out of use. Then, having done so much to render 
the people landless, the government offers them a gambler's chance 
at more than an ordinary gambling risk to acquire homes. To call 
such a policy discreditable is to state the case mildly. 



CENTRALIA STORY IS REVERSED 



(The British Columbia Federationist, Vancouver, B. C, Nov. 21, 1919.) 

Centralia, Wash. — Testimony, tending to show that the march- 
ing ex-service men started toward the I. W. W. before shots were 
fired from the building or from the opposite side of the street, 
featured the coroner's inquest over the four soldiers killed here last 
Tuesday, and is said to have been responsible for the failure of the 
jury to return a verdict to fix responsibility for the shooting. 

Dr. Frank Bickford, one of the marchers, testified that the door 
of the I. W. W. Hall was forced open by participants in the parade 
before the shooting began through the doorway or from the Avalon 
Hotel opposite. Dr. Bickford said he was immediately in front ol- 
the I. W. W. Hall at the time and that during a temporary halt some 
one suggested a raid on the hall. 

The fact that the man lynched by the mob Tuesday night, and 
who was thought to be Britt Smith, secretary of the I. W. W. local, 
was in reality Wesley Everest, a returned soldier, has been established 
definitely. 

"The I. W. W., in Centralia, Wash., who fired upon the men that 
were attempting to raid the I. W. W. Headquarters were fully justified 
in their act," said Edward Bassett, commander of the Butte Post of 
the American Legion, when asked his opinion of the recent Armistice 
Day riots, which resulted fatally for four of the attacking party 
and one of the defenders. 

"Mob rule in this country must be stopped," continued Mr. Bas- 
sett, "and when mobs attack the home of a millionaire, of a laborer, 
or of the I. W. W., it is not only the right but the duty of the 
occupants to resist with every means in their power. If the officers 
of the law cannot stop these raids, perhaps the resistance of the raia 
ed may have that effect. 

"Whether the I. W. W. is a meritorious organization or not, 
whether it is unpopular or otherwise should have absolutely nothing 
to do with the case. The reports of the evidence at the coroner's 
inquest show that the attack was made before the firing started. Ir 
that is true, I commend the boys inside for the action that they took." 

104 



(The Butte Daily Bulletin, July 9, 1919.) 
We cannot afford to halt to join battle with the intellectuals 
in their own sphere. When we assume complete control of the eco- 
nomic basis of society we will in that hour free all classes, and the 
educated intellect of the future will be free and in return for serv- 
ices rendered to them they will give of their best to the advancement 
of humanity. — Jim Larkin. 



Let anyone walk through the poorer quarters of our cities when 
the men are not working, but resting- and chewing the cud of their 
reflection; and he will find that there is one expression on every 
mature face — the expression of cynicism. — George B. Shaw. 



UNWARRANTED OPTIMISM 



(The Butte Daily Bulletin, July 21, 1919.) 

Financiers are peculiar in many respects; their reasoning is 
sometimes difficult to follow. 

Let us take, for instance, the optimistic attitude of the financial 
and industrial lords of these United States: 

Having bought nothing but war munitions for the last five years, 
Europe, they say, must by the ending of the war become an almost 
inexhaustible market for our raw and manufactured materials. 

Our financiers seem to have overlooked the question of pay- 
ment, although this is generally the first consideration; no one ha> 
yet explained how the European peoples, groaning under an enor- 
mous tax burden before the war are to meet the impossible burdens 
of the gigantic war debts. 

Let us take the case of Italy, whose government was supposed 
to enter the war only to further the cause of world democracy. 

One of the five powers, Italy, is bankrupt; her people are starv- 
ing, yet her financiers and diplomats still cling to the ideas and voice 
the Jargon of the imperialists. 

Look at these figures given by Flavio Venanzi, an Italian, writ- 
ing in The Nation of July 12: 

Revenues Expenses Deficit 

1913-14 2,523,000,000 2,687,000,000 164,000,000 

1914-15 _ 2,559,000,000 5,395,000,000 2,836,000,000 

1915-16 3,733,000,000 10,625,000,000 6,892,000,000 

1916-17 5,345,000,000 17,595,000,000 12,250,000,000 

1917-18 7,680,000,000 25,339,000,000 17,659,000,000 



21,840,000,000 61,641,000,000 39,801,000,000 
105 



This table shows that the total revenue from 1913 to 1918 was 
21,840,000,000 lire, whereas if there had been no war it could have 
amounted only to about 13 billion lire. There is a deficit in those 
five years of nearly 40 billion lire. 

Following the last accurate calculations of Maggiorino Ferraris, 
one of the most conservative and reliable statisticians of Europe, the 
debts growing out of the Italian Avar expenses up to October S3,, 
1918, were: 

War Loan Lire 

First, Second and Third 4,628,000,000 

Fourth 3,986,000,000 

Fifth 6,123,000,000 

14,737,000,000 



Quiquennial and triennial treasury bonds (59c) 3,052,000,000 

Ordinary treasury bonds 9,240,000,000 

Treasury bond and foreign debts 13,851,000,000 

Notes issued by the government (not including the 

Buoni di Cassa for 1 and 2 lire) 2,046,000,000 

Notes issued by the banks of issue for government 

account 6,536,000,000 



Total, lire 49,462,000,000 

and calculating an average expense of a billion lire from October 
31, 1918, until June 30, 1919, a very few estimate, and three billion 
lire of extraordinary expenses, the total debt, including the pre-war 
debts, will climb to these enormous figures: 

Old debts to August, 1914, lire 13,636,000,000 

War debts to October 31, 1918 49,462,000,000 

From October 31, 1918, to June 30, 1919 11,000,000,000 



Total, lire 74,098,000,000 

The total national wealth of Italy is about 100 billion lire. Her 
debt is approximately 80 billion lire. Italy is therefore mortgaged 
for at least three-fourths and probably four-fifths of her national 
wealth. The Italian people can never pay the interest on this stu- 
pendous sum to say nothing of retiring the principal. The same 
condition obtains in a greater or less degree in every country in 
Europe. 

What then is the basis for the apparent optimism of the Amer- 
ican financiers ? 

Just this and nothing more: 

They are laboring under the delusion that the European work- 
ers can be enslaved by force of arms and forced to work for the 
international banking syndicates. 

106 



Impossible as it sounds, it Is the only thing on which our financial 
structure is maintaining itself, and it also is founded on a fallacy. 

Let us suppose that the German, Austrian, Russian and Italian 
workers are forced to labor for a pittance at the point of the bayonet. 

Laying aside all questions of the impossibility of recruiting the 
troops willing to act in this capacity, what would be the effect on 
the American worker? 

The commodities produced under these circumstances would, be- 
cause of their cheapness, displace the products of the American work- 
er. Unemployment would be the inevitable result in this country , 
and unemployment today means the overthrow of the system that 
causes it. 

Reason from any angle you choose and you come to the same 
conclusion: that capitalism as the expression of a system of pro- 
duction and distribution has outlived its usefulness. Its collapse Is 
inevitable and even today it is only maintaining itself by suppression 
and the horrible brutalities that always accompany the death of a 
system. 

The task of the international working class is to install the new 
order on the ruins of the old. 



WAS ORDER UNDER LENIN 



(Seattle Union Record, July 28, 1919.) 
"I traveled for 6,000 miles across Russia and Siberia in a private 
car. I made the trip in only a few hours longer than the best time 
known under the old regime before the war. I got food at the sta- 
tions and had my car transferred from one train to another, in fact 
I secured everything I asked for, on the presentation of just one 
document. This is it." 

Colonel Robins held out a photographic copy of the order given 
him by Lenin and then translated it as follows: 

"Council of the People's Commissars, Moscow, Kremlin, May 
11, 1918: 

"To Workers, Soldiers and Peasants Soviets throughout the Rus- 
sian Republic of Soviets: 

"Pass Col. Raymond Robins, a special car and contents without 
inspection. Allow for all courtesies, special facilities for transport, 
carriage of aims, special food supply at stations. 

"Vladimir Ulianoff (Lenin)." 

107 




Flag-Draped Caskets of Eddy stone Victims 




FOR three hours all bnsiaese was suspended in the lotm of Chester, 3Pau, ■vsMfd 
10,000 persona paid their last respects to the 52 unidentified victims of the 
JSddyaione explosion. In a heavy tain, the mourners stood while clergynsiem 
of all denominations gave their blessings to those who had ^aerifieed their lives 
in nmking ammunition for the nations fighting the enemies' of the Arneriean. 
people. Bach eniBn was cohered by an American flag and the ceremonies "were 
extremely simple, only the rituals of the ehnrehea being said, The bodies of all 
the unidentified ones ware tentied in. one grave, 25" fset Tvide an,d 83 feet long. 
Investigations Into the e&ose of the explosion are being made and it is the con- 
ennsns of mvlnStm that the disaster was "not the result of a plot hut vrm accidental. 



108 



(Seattle Union Record, August 9, 1919.) 
"Whatever may be Mr. Townley's personal worth," says The 
Public, "his power lies in the fact that those who have hitherto 
managed affairs have failed to establish justice and equality of op- 
portunity. It is not that the farmers of North Dakota wish to 
confiscate the property of others, but they hope to stop others from 
confiscating theirs." 



WOODROW WILSON IS SHREWD POLITICIAN 



President Talks Freedom of Speech While Debs and Mooney 
Remain in Prison. 



By Louis P. Lochner. 
(Seattle Union Record, June 30, 1919.) 

Washington, D. C, June 20.— (By Mail.)— On May 12 of this 
year, President Wilson made a speech before the French Society of 
Political Science. As he was preparing his remarks, some one with 
a good historical memory must have handed him a copy of a cer- 
tain famous collection of political discourses entitled "The New Free- 
dom," written by one W. Wilson, of Washington and Paris. Or per- 
haps some one in the American colony at Paris handed him an anc- 
ient essay of the vintage of 1787, called the "Constitution of the 
United States." And perhaps that person mischievously marked, so 
as to strike his eye, a certain passage added in 1791, called "the first 
amendment" and reading in part "Congress shall make no law abridg- 
ing the freedom of speech or of the press." At any rate, the Presi- 
dent seems to have grown reminiscent, as people often do after they 
have enjoyed a good banquet; and he was moved to deliver himself 
of the following echo of his past: 

"My view of the state is that it must stop and listen to what 
the individual has to say no matter how humble and common the 
individual may be. 

"I always have been among those who believe that the great- 
est freedom of speech was the greatest safety. . . . 

"In this free air of free speech men get back into that sort of 
relationship with one another which constitutes the basis of all com- 
mon achievement." 

Liberty But a Myth 

This was like a breath of fresh air in the midst of putrid odors 
of stagnation. Burleson's high-handed and unconstitutional suppress- 

109 



ion of mail matter at will, Gregory's autocratic interpretation of 
the Espionage Law, Secretary Wilson's dictatorial attempt at whole- 
sale deportation of persons of foreign birth who dared to speak the 
convictions of their minds, Attorney-General Palmer's amazing dec- 
laration that "we must not permit the enlargement of those liberties 
guaranteed by the Constitution of freedom of the press and free- 
dom of speech," — all this had made us wonder whether there was any 
member of the Democratic administration left who still had the 
slightest regard for our time-honored liberties. 

Believes Freedom Is Safety 

Here at last, I repeat, was a breath of fresh air. The President 
not only asserted that he believed in free speech and had always 
believed in it, but he stated further that "the greatest freedom of 
speech is the greatest safety." 

This was on the 12th day of May. A week later Congress was 
to assemble. A presidential message was to be delivered. Those 
fatuous and complacent "liberals" who have even now not yet been 
disillusioned about the differences between phrases and actions, ex- 
pected certain things in that message. Our "liberals" took it for 
granted that Woodrow Wilson would celebrate the first sending of 
a message by cable in American history with an act that would give 
living proof of the sincerity of his Paris utterances about free speech. 

In other words, an expectant world was waiting for a procla- 
mation of general amnesty in connection with the President's mes- 
sage to Congress. 

Well, what happened? Search through his long message about 
returning the railways and the communications service back to pri- 
vate ownership, and ycu look in vain for an intimation that Wood- 
row Wilson, who has "always believed in free speech," would use the 
great power of his exalted office to set Gene 'Debs free. 

And Congress, always sure to listen to its master's voice, has 
responded in the person of Senator New, who has introduced a bill 
— not to liberate those who have practiced free speech, oh, no! — 
but to carry the pernicious, un-American Espionage Act over into 
peace times. 

More recently Mr. Wilson cabled a Memorial Day message to 
his fellow countrymen. In that message of eight short sentences 
he speaks four times of "liberty" and "liberation." "Our thoughts 
and purpose now," he says, in one sentence, "are consecrated to the 
maintenance of the liberty of the world and of the union of its peo- 
ple in a single comradeship of liberty and of right." 

Has Wilson Forgotten 

Has Mr. Wilson been so long away from his native land that 
he has forgotten that the United States is a part of that world 

110 



whose liberty is to be maintained? That the American people are 
a part of ''its people," that a "single comradeship of liberty" is not 
complete so long as 'Gene Debs and Kate O'Hare and Bill Haywood 
and Tom Mooney and all the other noble spokesmen of the working 
class arc in bondage? 

If words mean anything, Mr. Wilson, what do these words mean- 
You complained in your speech before the French Society of Po- 
litical Science that you "have been obligated at various times to read 
a great deal of bad German, difficult German, awkward German," 
and that you have been "aware that the thought was as awkward 
as the phrase." 

But, Mr. President, what about your English? What do you 
mean by talking about the "liberty of the world," when our great 
American apostles of freedom are in jail ? 

What do you mean, Mr. Wilson, when in the "New Freedom" 
you state, "If there is one thing we love more than another in the 
United States it is that every man should have the privilege, unmo- 
lested and uncriticized, to utter the real convictions of his mind?" 
That isn't "bad German, difficult German, awkward German." Sounds 
like perfectly plain English. Then why, if "every man should have 
the privilege, unmolested and uncritized, to utter the real convic- 
tions of his mind." — why, then, is 'Gene Debs still in jail for speak- 
ing his mind? 



(The Forge, August 2, 1919.) 

Over fifteen hundred men and women are in prison in America 
or are awaiting trial because they have held to an unpopular be- 
lief — a belief which is essentially political — not criminal. For the 
sake of American common sense, of America's reputation abroad, and 
of American democracy and justice, can their further imprisonment 
he tolerated ? 



(Seattle Union Record, June 20, 1919.) 

San Rafael, Cal., June 20. — While a majority of the witnesses 
fainted from the horror of the scene, two men, Joseph Rogers and 
Clarence Rollins, died a terrible prolonged death on the gallows at 
San Quentin this morning owing to bungling mechanism. 

Rogers kicked so wildly that his shoes flew off his feet, while the 
death cap, slipping from its position, revealed a face contorted with 
agony. He was suspended for 15 minutes before he died of strangula- 
tion. Rollins died a minute sooner. 

Ill 




112 



WHAT THE PRIVATE SOLDIERS SAY 



(The Columbia Sentinel, Harlem, Ga., June 6, 1919.) 
Editor Columbia Sentinel, 

Harlem, Georgia. 
Dear Sir: — 

Received the last issue of The Sentinel today; and I think it is 
splendid. I have read every line in it with untiring interest. If 
ever a paper possessed a soul, it is present in The Sentinel. It is 
the cleanest and most inspiring paper I ever read. Surely one who 
is capable of reading and appreciating The Sentinel is blessed by such 
companionship. 

I was a soldier in the World War, and as I formerly feared 
Militarism and Autocracy now I loath and despise those hellish twins. 
There are very few of the boys who do not hate Militarism. A view 
of this monster will convince anyone that the struggle for Freedom 
and Democracy will be a long, fierce one. Would to Heaven w r e had 
a Congress of men like Mr. Watson, and a hundred papers with the 
truth, spirit and purpose of The Sentinel. 

Always with best wishes for The Sentinel and profound respect 
for Mr. Watson, I am, 

Yours truly, 

LEROY W. HOSTETTLER. 



(Seattle Union Record, June 26, 1919.) 
Right now labor is facing the most momentous period in the 
world's history. 

Whether we like it or not — whether we will it or not — we are 
facing a world in the re-making. 

We are facing a period when the greatest minds of all timt> 
are devising ways and means of making this world better, brighter 
and happier for every one of us. 



"THE PATH OF REVOLUTION' 



(The Industrial Worker, Everett, Wash., June 25, 1919.) 
"The work of Karl Liebknecht shall continue. That is the glori- 
ous thought that penetrates my mind and absorbs my intellect. They 
have shown us that path that must be followed, that path of rev- 
olution all over the world. 

"You are the radicals. You have fought all your lives. You 
are the ones that have fought conscription and you know how hard 
the fight has been. But we will continue until we have reached our 
goal." — Jim Larkin. 

113 



WAR IS OVER, BUT BOYS CAN'T COME HOME 



(The Butte Daily Bulletin, June 25, 1919.) 
Recently a Butte mother received a letter from her only son, 
who has been stationed in France for the past 18 months, doing his 
bit for democracy. He writes that the boys over there are very 
anxious to return home and a short time ago orders were issued for 
his regiment to prepare for the home-coming. 

This caused much rejoicing and the boys made double quick In 
getting ready for the journey home. On the eve of their departure 
this Butte boy received orders to report at a concentration camp 
for duty. He is a first-class mechanic, and as a result he has been 
detained indefinitely, for the purpose of overhauling automobiles, 
there being 1,800 of these machines in this camp to be repaired. 

The boys who are compelled to remain in France and do this 
work will receive soldier's pay for this expert work, and as a re- 
sult they are not in the best frame of mind, and this Butte boy says 
the next time some patriotic zealot mentions war to him he will have 
plenty of it right then and there. 



FORD WILL TURN BACK TO U. S. 58 PER CENT OF 
PLANT'S WAR PROFITS 



(The Seattle Daily Times, June 26, 1919.) 
Henry Ford will turn back to the government his share — 58 
per cent — of the war profits made by his Detroit plant. The auto- 
mobile manufacturer requested the secretary of the treasury to as- 
sign an accountant to go over the books of the company, to determine 
just what his profits were, it was announced this afternoon. The 
matter was turned over to Commissioner of Internal Revenue Roper, 
who instructed his representative at Detroit to assign an accountant. 



MOONEY WARNS AGAINST BOMBS 



(Union Record, June 24, 1919.) 

Reports that nation-wide bomb plots are planned by big business 
interests to spread the impression that only terrorists are back of 
the fight to win him a new trial, Thomas J. Mooney declared in a 
statement sent from his San Quentin cell today. 

"While labor organizations plan a peaceful and legal protest in 
my behalf, certain officials are spreading broadcast a warning that 
bomb outrages may be expected," says the statement. 

114 



"To my mind this is an attempt to put a criminal aspect on 
an orderly protest against the perjury and fraud used to convict mo. 

"Every sane working man knows a bomb explosion July 4 would 
damage my cause. So I insist now that if such explosions occur 
they will not be the work of my friends. Such explosions would only 
benefit the corrupt forces that put me in jail." 



Sayings of some of our well known men: 

President Wilson: "I realize we are at the turning point." 
Henry Ford: "The working people are not getting a square deal." 
Abraham Lincoln: "Labor should be considered first of all." 
F. P. Walsh: "The working class should not trust their interests 

to any political party or politician." 

R. G. Ingersoll: "I feel indebted for the liberty we now have 

to Tom Payne." 

Karl Marx: "Working men of the world, organize! You have 

nothing to lose but your chains and the world to gain." 

Senator La Follette: "On an average the American people are 

paying 70 per cent on over $31,000,000,000 of watered stock." 

Taken from the "Grit": Farmers receive only $9,000,000,000 

for what the consumer pays $27,000,000,000 annually. 

Henry Ford is fighting the capitalists with their own tools. Don't 

look for much from the ballot box as long as the control of wealth 

is in the hands of a few. 



SAYINGS OF GREAT MEN 



"People must produce as much as they consume to be happy." — 
Leo Tolstoi. 

"The truly generous are the truly wise." — John Home. 

"The working people are producing the best and are beginning 
to wonder why they can't get the best." — Tom Lewis. 

"The truest lovers of our flag are not those who spring to their 
feet when the band plays the National Air. — Louis F. Post. 



WASTERS OF THE WORLD 



(Union Record, December 30, 1919.) 

American owners of oil wells in Mexico have another cause for 
war! Carranza, they say has stopped the drilling of ten new wells! 
And the Shipping Board fears a shortage of oil for American ships! 

115 



Obviously, this is plain conspiracy by Carranza against the United 
States! Why do our armies delay so long? Eastern newspapers are 
waxing eloquent on the subject. 

But wait a minute! The New York World, a paper which has 
of late shown a most commendable independence, calls attention to 
the fact that, according to the director of the United States Geo- 
logical Survey, the wells at present dug in Mexico are capable of 
delivering 1,592,741 barrels of oil a day, but the actual daily ca- 
pacity is only 174,872 barrels. 

What becomes of the difference — about nine-tenths of the whole 
is apparently not used. "Is it not a fact," asks the World, "that 
the oil interests in Mexico have neither the pipe lines nor the tank- 
age to take care of the capacity flow from wells already drilled? 

We have used the word "exploiter" so often that people have 
forgotten part of its original meaning. A shorter and uglier word 
is this— the WASTERS OF THE WORLD. They who grasp all 
they can, and in grasping destroy what they cannot grasp. They who 
would spend billions of dollars (their country's dollars) and hundreds 
of thousands of lives (other folks' lives) to gain a few million for 
themselves, and who then add insult to injury by calling their greed 
by the name of patriotism! 



GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION 



(Union Record, Dec. 30, 1919.) 

Sixteen of the striking cigarmakers of Chicago have been sent 
to jail for peaceful picketing. Judge Sullivan, who imposed the sen- 
tences, had previously issued an injunction forbidding the strikers 
to picket, and it was for disobedience to his command that they 
were jailed. 

Little by little, the labor forces of this country are being taught 
lessons of distrust and disrespect for the courts. They are being- 
taught that the courts are quick acting against labor and slow acting 
or non-acting against employers. 

The folks that are teaching them are not the so-called "reds," 
but judge after judge who consorts with business men, loses touciT 
with the common folks and, in the end, either consciously or un- 
consciously, makes himself the tool of employers in breaking labor. 

Judges and public officials of this kind are the most dangerous 
agitators in our country today. Incidentally, we might call attention 
to the arrest of coal miners who were slow about obeying the gov- 
ernment's order, and the way in which the Wilkeson Coal Company 
violates those same orders with impunity. 

116 



PLAYING FOR REVOLUTION 



(Union Record, January 2, 1920.) 

The man who ran against Victor Berger in the recent Milwau- 
kee election, and was defeated by several thousand votes, plans to 
claim the right to go to Congress instead of Berger, according to 
a press dispatch. 

He will base his claim on the statement that Berger is dis- 
qualified from holding office, and that every vote cast for him is 
therefore null and void. 

Doubtless there are many men in Congress who will support 
this claim. There may even be a majority. There are men so drunk 
with the desire to smash all who oppose their views of capitalistic 
society that they don't care what American traditions they smash 
in the process. 

Some of them are too pig-headed to know that they are mak- 
ing a bid for revolution. Some of them know, — and don't care. Like 
some of the business men in this community who have alw 7 ays re- 
gretted the peacefulness of our general strike, they want a "show- 
down," they want to see blood run; they are sick of pretending 
any longer to uphold the law, and would prefer a chance to fight. 

But it is as sure as fate, and all past history show T s it, that 
on the day when the powers of government in any country say to 
a group of citizens: "Your BALLOTS are no good. We mock at 
them! we do as we please in spite of your votes," — on that day 
the hope of peaceful change dies in that land. 



VANDERVEER'S ARREST 



(Union Record, January 2, 1920.) 

Keeping the Wobblies from having a fair trial seems to have 
become the greatest indoor sport in this state! 

The attorney-general set the style, when he called together the 
county prosecutors, and behind closed doors made plans to rush all 
the I. W. W. cases to trial, in order that they might not have op- 
portunity to get lawyers. 

The lawyers of Lewis County were next in line, with their res- 
olution to disbar any lawyer who defended the I. W. W.'s. 

And now George Vanderveer, one of the most eminent attorneys 
in this state, is arrested in the little towm of Vancouver, Wash., be- 
cause last October he is said to have talked to prisoners in the county 
jail without permission. 

Whether he did or did not address words to his clients in the 
Vancouver Jail last October we do not know. The claim that is 

117 



made is that he stood in the door of the jail and said something: 
to the prisoners. Consequently he is arrested the week before he 
is to handle a big murder trial over in Montesano. Perhaps there's 
no connection between the two facts, but — 

Arrested for talking to his clients! It sounds like a joke! But 
it has a mighty serious side. How many workers tonight up in the 
logging camps of this state are laughing sourly and saying: "Gov- 
ernment is a tool of the capitalists. Law! Justice! For US. 
Don't talk the bunk!" 

That's what they'll be saying, whether we like it or not. 



POLITICAL ETHICS 



By George D. Coleman. 
(Union Record, December 29, 1919.) 

Senator Newberry's case, charged by Grand Jury with spending- 
$1,000,000 to win a seat in the Senate worth less than $50,000 for 
the six-year term, not only raises the question, if for a job paying 
$50,000, $1,000,000 is spent, where does the $950,000 balance come 
from ? It does more, for it exposes the ethics (?) or non-ethics 
of the mind of the professional politician. 

Senator Moses, Republican from New Hampshire, "makes no 
bones" of putting it up to the Democratic senators as to "where they 
get off." If they don't support the Republican fraud in Michigan 
and stand by "the gang" the Republicans will "spill the beans" and 
make it darn uncomfortable for you Democrats in cheating the Negro 
of the political rights. We won't uphold your skulduggery if you 
don't uphold our's. They have so long enjoyed the mutual sharing 
of political plunder that they have become cynical. 

This proves to us that Republican and Democratic parties as 
the two arms of political capitalism have so little moral sense that 
they openly confess their collusion and thus expose the humbug of 
what President Wilson calls democracy. 

It's about time that honest Americans organized and kicked these 
Siamese twins, the Democratic and Republican parties, out of power. 
They are poltiical hogs quarreling over the well-filled feed trough. 
We need a modern-day Cromwell to say to this crowd of capitalist 
hirelings, "Make way for honest men." If we want to save the 
country from these prostitutes and thieves, and ourselves from the 
iron collars of thralls to the predatory rich we have no other wa> 
of doing it. 

118 



(Butte Daily Bulletin, June 18, 1919.) 
Senator Lodge and also Senator Borah appeared to be indignant 
the other day that full copies of the Peace Treaty reached the head- 
quarters of Wall Street before reaching the Senate. But what is 
more reasonable than that such important documents should reach 
the actual seat of government first? 



God grants liberty to those who live it, and are always ready 
to guard and defend it. — Daniel Webster. 



(The Forge, June 21, 1919.) 

. . . The color line cannot be drawn by the workers where the 
employers have refused to draw it in industry. Men who work be- 
side each other must organize together. Those who work in the same 
industry must solve their common problems 

... No democracy is possible where the white man and the 
black man do not stand shoulder to shoulder to battle for their 
common interests and the control of their individual lives. 



(The Forge, June 21, 1919.) 

. . . Arthur Lampher, of Chicago, said that the Bolsheviki at 
one time put up a sign which read "Americans, what are you fight- 
ing for?" A sergeant said he didn't know what he should answer, 
and then a lieutenant came along and said, "Don't answer at all." 

Ex-president Taft was once asked what a working man should 
do if he were starving and could find no work. "God knows!" was 
Taft's historic answer. 

Taft would be the best man to answer the question. "Why are 
United States troops in Russia?" 



AVERS LUST FOR BLOOD MONEY RESPON 
SIBLE FOR CONFLICT IN EUROPE 



Motor King Denounces "Wall Street Patriots" Who Profit From Crisis. 



By George E. Miller. 
(Detroit News, February 7, 1917.) 
The present great war was fomented primarily by interests which 

make money out of wars Agencies have existed in all the 

great capitals for the spread of war scares .... The natural result 

119 



was that the people of the rival nations became alarmed over the 
possibility of war. . . . Mr. Ford believes the present situation the 
result of nothing but this international propaganda, in which so-called 
patriotic organizations in each country work hand in hand with sim- 
ilar organizations in all of the other great countries. The inevitable 
had to occur. The nations went to war and then these organizations 
reaped the harvest for which they had been scheming and intriguing 

for years Practically all the money in the world will be found 

in the hands of these interests which speculate in the instrumentalities 
of organized murder. . . . 

Flags in Wall Street 

"Why." exclaimed Mr. Ford, "I chanced to be in New York 
last Saturday, the day President Wilson broke off diplomatic rela- 
tions with Germany and with my own eyes I saw flags run up 
all over Wall Street. There was no doubt about that. Those people 
wanted the United States to get into war. They publicly rejoiced 
and hoisted their flags to show their "patriotism." What patriotism? 

For what there was in it There you had a living picture of 

the influences which cause wars, a brazen illustration that the blood 
of possibly millions of our boys means nothing to men who can make 
money out of fighting. 

"But I also noticed another thing. While the flags were out 
and there was public rejoicing that this country was to be plunged 
into the slaughter and the speculators were rushing around like mad 
to take advantage of the new crop of blood money in sight, there 
was not a single evidence that the "patriotism" of these people went 
a step beyond. There was no rush to get into the trenches . . . . 
because these speculators were surging around to provide for the 
grim business of modern warfare .... and do not care who wins 
or loses so long as they continue to get the money." 



(The Appeal to Reason, May 22, 1915.) 

By C. P. Hoffman. 

... I mean you — the mother — the father — the brother — the sis- 
ter — the woman — the man. I am asking you: DO YOU WANT 
WAR? I am not asking the money lender, the bond broker, the 
manufacturer of ammunition, of guns, shot and shell nor the ex- 
porter of food stuffs and mules. I am asking YOU. Not the poli- 
tician, the statesman, the patriot, the American, the Englishman, 
the German, the Frenchman, the Russian, the Turk. I GO BEYOND 
THESE— TO THE REAL YOU. I appeal to your heart, your soul, 

120 



to your manhood, your womanhood, TO YOU AS A MEMBER OF 
THE GREAT BROTHERHOOD— MANKIND. 

Do you want war? Do you want to drench the whole world in 
blood ? Is it not enough that Europe is blood-mad, frenzied with 
fire, rape, murder? Is America to be drawn into the orgy — into 
the death-dance of civilization? .... Why do Americans go to 
Europe while its people are blind with blood-lust? Did they not know 
that war is raging? That hell has broken loose? Had they not been 
warned ? 

Are you going to die in a trench or rot in a hospital because 
a few Americans, nabobs, counting on your stupid patriotism, bragg- 
ingly risked their lives in pursuit of their private pleasures? Are 
you forgetting that this is a war of the rich? This is not a rev- 
olution of the people against their oppressors — of the workers against 
their exploiters — of slaves against masters — of poor against rich. 
This is a war of the ARISTOCRACY— OF KINGS AND 
PRINCES 



(Union Record, June 28, 1919.) 
.... Trotsky is the greatest orator in Russia. . . . The peasants 
are all armed, and each village has machine guns and plenty of am- 
munition. . . . The Soviet government gave them the land, and that 
was what they wanted .... because of the great class war in this 
country, and that the capitalist class in this country thought they 
might lose control if the working class thought that they would 
be better off under a Soviet government. . . . The Soviet government 
has never been given a fair chance to show what it could do under 
normal conditions .... If you study the Soviet form of govern- 
ment I think you will find it is the most efficient form of govern- 
ment in the world 



THERE'S A DIFFERENCE 



(Seattle Times, July 11, 1919.) 
The cost of the war to the United States according to latest treas- 
ury compilations, was in excess of $30,000,000,000 



(Union Record, June 28, 1919.) 
By Press Committee 
. . . The Republicans and the Democrats, who, from the class- 
conscious workers' point of view, differ only in Name. . . . "Give 

121 



me control of the newspapers of the United States for six months 
and I'll elect Jack Johnson or Hinky Dink, president or anyone 
else." And it is true, ye gods! 

The average man in this country today could not tell you to 
save his life why he voted for either the Republicans or Democrats. 
The citizen voter was not consulted about the war, about conscrip- 
tion or anything else. He never is, and it is not intended by his 
masters either that he should be. 

As public sentiment is craftily Manufactured by the agents of 
plutocracy via the press, pulpit, platform and picture route, and 
as therefore the vote is by no means a clear or true expression 
of the Real needs of the working class — seeing that it was palpably 
manufactured at the instigation of the crafty minority for the bene- 
fit of said minority — it therefore becomes a huge joke to talk of 
the "people" ruling 



VOCATIONAL REPRESENTATION 



(Industrial Worker, January 3, 1920.) 
Calgary, Alta., Dec. 24. — Revolutionary in the extreme is the res- 
olution adopted by a recently held convention of the secretaries of 
the United Farmers of Alberta, in which the organization, number- 
ing some 20,000 farmers, is openly pledged to class organization 
for political action. 

"We believe that class organization is not only justifiable but 
actually necessary under existing conditions," states the resolution. 
"We believe that class or group representation under a proportional 
system of voting is the only practical system to take the place of 
the present unsatisfactory poltical party system." 

As explained by W. H. Wood, president of the convention, the 
idea of the society is a body regulated by the elected delegates of 
economic organizations. 

Reduced to its simplest anaylsis it means simply this: Govern- 
ment shall no longer be based on property and residence qualifica- 
tions with a personnel elected by party votes from geographical sub- 
divisions of the country's area; but shall be based on occupations 
and industries. No longer would Smith represent a certain district 
and pretend to represent every class in that district, but would rep- 
resent for instance, Metal Trades Workers Council No. 26, or Farm- 
ers' Council No. 27. 

Twenty-seven years ago in Cincinnati, Ohio, the writer of this 
editorial advocated Vocational Representation under a scheme of 
Industrial Government which he at that time, was attempting to 

122 



present to the Engineering profession. The idea was derived from 
an engineer in New York City who had presented it to the New 
York State Legislature, years before, in a scheme for the reform 
of the government of the city of New York. The I. W. W. has 
based its scheme of Industrial Democracy upon the idea of Vocational 
or Industrial representation and consistently advocated it for the 
past fourteen years. In 1910, "Candidus" published a book in 
England which elaborated the idea of Vocational or Industrial rep- 
resentation and less than two years ago a Cuban presented a scheme 
to Industralize the Cuban Senate. 

The idea of Vocational or Industrial representation is not new, 
but that it is absolutely rational and democratic, no one can deny. 
However, it is incompatible with capitalism, for the reason that it 
would promote (even force) the reorganization of the population 
along conscious, economic, class lines and thereby drift power into 
the hands of the workers. Also it would crowd out the politicians 
and intellectuals from office and force in a crew of workers and 
engineers. For this latter reason, it has never been advocated by 
Socialist politicians who have always visioned themselves function- 
ing as the Government. 

So long as capitalism continues there can be no Vocational rep- 
resentation. Under an Industrial Democracy, it is the only logical 
method of securing efficient administration. 



THE LIST GROWS 



(Seattle Union Record, January 15, 1920.) 

And now "they" have Frank Walsh tied up with the I. W. W., 
because quotations from him are found in a "hand-book" and he 
has indorsed "the fundamental right to strike." President Wilson 
has been put on the list of suspects by Senator Coman on account 
of his "New Freedom." 

Who will be next? "They" will be after Saint Paul next be- 
cause he said, "If one member suffers, all suffers," which is suspic- 
iously near, "an injury to one is an injury to all." And the Angel 
Gabriel would better look out or they will list him, because he 
blows a horn instead of tooting a whistle. 

Really, "they" would better read a few chapters of Artemus 
Ward and cultivate a sense of humor, which being interpreted means 
a sense of true proportion. 

123 



WBS FOUD 



AX W23KIY ~ Dot, 4, 1919 



Crippled Soldier Begs on Streets 



io get work at a wage that -would st<j»port him. t*r*at 

tafk itwit government relief and vuca<k>Tw ! trammg 

an<l other driiglitiui thing*, few nothing taagibfc. is* 

fiia heart that hfe sers-iee had be<:r> eosttv 




snnaJ. Theu 
i a crawled tr<da of the wotmdeji.aod iast of afi a 

UosphaS where the weeks a«<J months oi eonvalcs- 
c sccmi-tf harder tUta (it work of the battiefxlds. 
inreiy lit- had ik-,*erwd -w*U of his cowitrv, this boy 

had s^'-e' 1 si * fe »< Ids Kie, How oftot me patting 
te of his Jriend* mict have somxted asittriT^giy in his. 
. Vet t^i-e no is, uracrkaiiy a beggar on tile streets, 
harfteo >'roro the service be fotttld huaseii unable 



and honorabjc, knowing tiiat his cotmtry tlid «wt bsni 
something, he sank his pride in the dei>ths of feis tr«d| 
an<J went out to the cornier oi .Mth street atto fifth) 
Avenne, K«w York. t»«srn his Uviog. 

This soldier is a rebuke and a challenge. Dispatthes; 
tell «5 that ail tfee German jwwidtd have dusnpeasedS 
from the streets of German eitiesk They art- no tons^r 5 
oampethxt either to loaf or bt-^ How long *d! it b<< 
before we can say that of the bnito* State*? 



124 



(Appeal To Reason, February 19, 1916.) 

On the Road to Newton, Kansas, 

February 8, 1916. 
Appeal To Reason, Girard, Kansas. 

Dear . . . Fellow Workers — I am enclosing my check to help 

carry the APPEAL TO REASON ... to the farmers I look 

to them to save themselves and the rest of us from the ruthless 

tyranny of capitalism. . . . They live close to nature they 

understand the importance of right conditions They will probe 

to the quick the economic question of the day in general, and the 
question of preparedness in particular. 

The farmer . . . realizes the futility of militarism. . . He knows 
that when war is done with a nation, . . . the land that was once his 

is often taken away from him the preparedness agitation 

have other motives besides the fear of an invading army. He will 

see a weapon in the hands of the ruling class to beat down 

the workers when they rise up and demand better conditions, shorter 
hours and higher pay The farmer w r ill be with us in refus- 
ing to bear the burden of a large army and warships, . . . 

and banks . . . full of steel stock and railroad stock and 

war bonds. 

We don't want any more guns or soldiers We want 

to see the soldiers put to work Let the poor and needy unite 

and stand together The farmer will fight . . . for 

the establishment of a new social order 

Faithfully your comrade, 

HELEN KELLER. 



WORKERS STARVE WHILE CONGRESS INVESTIGATES 



(The Michigan Socialist, February 23, 1917.) 
. . . Congress .... planning the safety and protection of the 
piratical munition makers and food gamblers in their dirty games 
of grinding out millions by supplying the warring countries with 
food and powder, that not a thought was given to the problems at 
home — the problem of food supply .... that brings this nation 

nearer on the border of a revolution Wherever capitalism 

holds sway there is poverty. . . . Self preservation is the first law 
of nature. People must eat to live. . . . Congress is going to inves- 
tigate — $400,000 will be appropriated to investigate the cause of the 
food shortage and to discover the speculators who willfully boost the 

prices of food stuffs Who, but a fool can fail to see that 

private ownership of the necessities of life and the operation of 

125 



the industries for profit instead of for public good is the responsible 

cause for all ills of modem society but our government, 

elected by the people and selected by the plutes, functions in the 
interests of the owners of America, the interests of the exploiters 
and property rights are put above human rights. 



RUSS "MOTHER JONES" IS FREED FROM EXILE— GRAND- 
MOTHER OF REVOLUTION INVITED BACK HOME 



(The Detroit News Tribune, March 18, 1917.) 
.... After 30 years of exile this 73-year-old woman has rea- 
lized her dearest wish — to see her people freed . . . from the barren 

recesses of Siberia Madam Breshkovakaya was the daughter 

of a Russian nobleman. . . A group of 2,000 were arrested 

One hundred died in prison while awaiting trial. Catherine herself 
spent four years in prison before being granted a trial and it was 
only her excellent health and supreme courage that sustained her 
in the ordeal After wandering . . . .they were over- 
taken by 50 soldiers sent to run them down. When they returned 
to the Baikal village, they were tried and sentenced to four years 
in the mines of Kara and 14 years exile. . . . 



(The Detroit Times, February 26, 1917.) 

Rev. Eugene R. Shippen read a telegram from William 

Jennings Bryan .... against Militarism Citizens everywhere 

express themselves in telegrams and letters. This is the only way 
in which to overcome the misrepresentations of the jingo portion 

of the metropolitan press 

William E. Mason, former senator .... said the proposal be- 
fore 'the country was to go to war to enforce the right to carry 

contraband goods to some of the Allies 

J. C. Kennedy of Chicago, .... declared that the American peo- 
ple do not want war and will not have war. . . . 



(The Grit, February 18, 1917.) 
Parts of Texas where land values now range from $150 to $200 

per acre The owners of these farms are for the most part 

men who are fixtures in their respective communities. Although thev 
may not grow enough crops upon their land to bring them good 

interest on their investments they are content with their lot 

The State of Texas, only a little more than 30 years ago, gave to 

r 

126 



the syndicate of Chicago men a solid tract of 3,000.000 acres of 

land, on a valuation of 50 cents per acre The same land is 

today selling readily for an average price of $35 per acre. 



(Union Record, Aug. 7, 1919.) 

Glenn E. Plumb, author of the "Plumb Plan" for railroad con- 
trol, appearing before the House Interstate Commerce Committee 
today, declared it is revolt and not simply unrest which confronts 
the United States 

. . . Plumb asserted that "organized labor now realizes that 
further advances in wages at the expense of a cost of living ex- 
ceeding that of values are wholly futile. . . . 

. . . "Recent events have brought us face to face with the 
differences between the earning power and spending power of the 
great mass of the workers. . . . 

. . . "Leading directly from Wall Street and from the bank- 
ing houses controlled by the Morgan and Rockefeller groups, these 
facts show that there has proceeded a systematized plundering of 
virtually all of the public transportation highways of the United 
States. . . . 



THE MENACES OF RICHES 



By Scott Nearing. 
(Seattle Union Record, July 30, 1919.) 
Hugo's famous statement that "the heaven of the rich is 
built upon the hell of the poor" meets with a ready response from 
the poor. Their life is hell. They realize it; they admit it. What 
of the heaven of the rich? Is "riches" a synonym for "heaven," 
or is it still true that it is easier for a camel to go through the 
needle's eye than for riches and heaven to come together ? 

Much has been said about the futility of riches from the stand- 
point of the individual possessor of wealth. Probably no one rea- 
lizes more keenly than the rich that he who would amass wealth 
for himself "arrives with pains and sweat and fury nowhere." Too 
little attention has been devoted to the matter by those who are 
interested in building a vigorous body social in the United States. 

The terrible menace of "riches" lies in the extravagant, careless, 
blase idleness that pervades this "heaven," than in the abysmal chasm 
that yawns between it and the hell of poverty, and the forces that 
are at work widening and deepening the gulf. 

127 



The present economic order makes poverty as it makes riches 
— the poor are poor, primarily because of the paucity of their wages; 
the rich are rich primarily because of the generous amounts of rent, 
interest and profit that falls to their share as owners of income yield- 
ing property. The same system that blights the poor fattens the 
rich — necessarily, because riches is built upon poverty. 

Ruskin puts the answer in this unanswerable way: 

"What is really desired, under the name of riches, is essentially 
power over men. . . . And this power of wealth, of course, is greater 
or less in direct proportion to the number of persons who are as rich 
as ourselves, and who are ready to give the same price for an ar- 
ticle of which the supply is limited. . . " So that as above stated, 
the art of becoming "rich in the common sense, is not absolutely 
nor finally the art of accumulating much money for ourselves, but 
also of contriving that our neighbors shall have less. In accurate 
terms, it is "the art of establishing the maximum inequality in our 
own favor." 

The "heaven of riches" depends upon establishing and maintain- 
ing "the maximum of inequality" — truly a questionable variety of 
"heaven." 

The rich may remain rich only while they keep their neighbors 
— brother humans — poor — truly an extraordinary basis upon which 
to build a society. Society? How absurd! Upon such a basis there 
can be founded naught but tumult, conflict, chaos! 

Daniel Webster saw it coming and warned against it. Abraham 
Lincoln lamented over its imminence. 

Today, it is here, and we are busily engaged in making it more 
thorough going and emphatic. 

The people of the United States are busy building the heaven 
of riches. Larger and larger amounts of income are being concen- 
trated in fewer and fewer hands. In 1914 there were 101,718 per- 
sons with incomes of from $5,000 to $10,000. By 1917 the number 
had increased to 150,551 persons, almost exactly 50 per cent more. The 
number of persons with incomes of $25,000 to $50,000 more than 
doubled during the same period (11,144 to 23,724). At the same 
time, the number of persons with $50,000 to $100,000 increased al- 
most threefold (3,616 to 10,654) and the number with incomes of 
$100,000 and over increased four-fold (1,598 to 6,633). 

The immense increases have occurred among the highest in- 
comes and with increasing rapidity. 

The people of the United States are building the heaven of 
the rich, and in order to secure the necessary materials, they are dig- 
ging graves for their most cherished and their dearest liberties. 

128 



I. W. W. TRIAL OPENS EYE OF JURY FOREMAN 



(Seattle Union Record, October 18, 1919.) 

Spokane, Oct. 18. — Declaring she had had her eyes opened by 
testimony in the I. W. W. trial which ended here Thursday in free- 
ing of 13 alleged I. W. W. on criminal syndicalism charges, Mrs. 
J. H. McNeill, foreman of the jury, today in a statement said she 
had come to a point of sympathy with them. 

"I was flatly prejudiced against them when I went into the trial," 
she said, "but I had never seen their side of it. I really thought 
they were what people said they were. I only wish that everybody 
in the country could have heard that testimony." 



(The Public, September 13, 1919.) 

The jailing of I. W. W. members in Kansas under the Espionage 
Act is bringing to light the fact that the soul-deadening effect of 
the law's delay is increased by the nerve-racking strain of indecent 
prisons. According to the report of Winthrop D. Lane in "The Sur- 
vey," the Federal prisoners in Kansas jails have not only been held 
nearly two years without trial, but they have been confined in jails 
that have undermined the health of the men. It has been the boast of 
English law that a man is innocent until he has been proven guilty. 
Yet men have been arrested on suspicion, thrown into jail, and made 
to suffer all the pain of prison punishment, and at the long delayed 
trial have been declared innocent. True, an attempt has been made 
to avoid this by admitting the accused to bail until conviction, but 
the terms of bail are such that though easily met by those having 
property-owning friends, they are unavailable for those whose friends 
are poor. Thus, a rich man, though the veriest scoundrel, is given 
his liberty pending trial, while the poor man, though the soul of 
honor, may languish in prison. The experience of the Government 
political prisoners calls for a remedy that will admit something be- 
sides property as surety for the accused. And pending this relief 
the prisoners should have a speedy trial and decent internment. The 
purpose of the law is not revenge, but to prevent repetition of the 
offense. A man who believes the laws of this country are for the 
benefit of the rich, and that the only relief lies in revolution, is apt 
to be confirmed in that belief by the experience of the political pris- 
oners in Kansas jails. 

129 



THE LIBERATOR ¥ arch 19 19 




■^^*<|v*.W 



d <"*•«*.») 



130 



FIGURES ON BANKING 



The Money Trust 

(The Post, November 27, 1912.) 

An eminent attorney, who has an extensive Wall Street practice 
and experience, concludes that "less than a dozen men are, for all 
practical purposes, in control of the direction of at least seventy-five 
per cent of the deposits of the leading national banks and trust com- 
panies in the city of New York, and of allied institutions in various 
parts of the country." Seventy-five per cent of the deposits of all 
the national banks and trust companies in New York would amount 
loughly to one and three-quarter billion dollars. This, then, is the 
"Money Trust," which a great deal of vague and half-baked opinion 
would have the Government somehow or other abolish. 

All these banks and trust companies are circumscribed by law. 
All of them are open to the most complete investigation by national 
and state authority. If they are doing anything that is not lawful 
the state or Federal Government should be able to put its finger on 
the crime very promptly. The Money Trust is alleged also to con- 
trol the big life-insurance companies; but they, like the banks, are 
completely open to public inspection and constantly under public 
surveillance — everything they do is prescribed by law. 

The Money Trust is commonly referred to as the darkest, most 
secret and elusive of all our octopi; but, in fact, it lives in a glass 
house and can scarcely wiggle a tentacle unseen. Less than a dozen 
men may possibly be "in control of the direction" of the beast; but 
squads of expert policemen stand at their elbows and can see exactly 
what thev do. 



(Detroit News, January 12, 1917.) 

.... British subjects for government purposes here, have 
brought to New York during the last few months stocks and bonds 
worth more than $400,000,000 according to the estimates made in 
banking circles today. The last edition is $20,000,000, received . . . 
by J. P. Morgan & Co. . . . 

This makes a total inflow of $49,440,000 since January 
1st last 

131 



COMPTROLLER AFTER BANKS THAT CHARGE 
UNLAWFUL INTEREST 

(Oregon Journal, November 13, 1915.) 

.... John Skelton Williams .... Banks charge big interest 
. . . . and reports made to him showing that 1,022 out of 7,615 
national banks have been receiving an average of 10 per cent or more 
on all their loans, while some received in certain cases from 100 to 
1,000 per cent. 

One bank reported a loan of $3.50 to a woman for six days 
for $1.50 interest, or 2.400 per cent. 



(Oregon Journal, December 23, 1915.) 
"Robbing by savings bank failure has flourished for many years." 

* * * 

(Oregon Labor Press, January 8, 1916.) 

.... There's a whole lot of people waking up to the fact that 
one of the principal things that is the matter with this country is the 

banking system. 

* * * 

FOUR FAMILIES . . . COLLECT MILLIONS 
THROUGH USURY 

(The Saturday American, Portland, Ore., December 5, 1914.) 

There is just one thing, however, that is calculated 

to make any person with brains tired, and that is the wail of Wall 
Street, repeated daily by Portland's bankers 

Banking is a monopoly. Public utilities are monopolies. The 
public utilities and banks stand together. All the earnings of Mr. 
Average Citizen go either to the banker or the public utility man. 
That is why the bankers and public utility men own 70 per cent 
of the wealth of the United States today, and the general public owns 
but 30 per cent. The great profit producers of the country today 
are banks and public utilities 

About four families control the banking of Portland. . . . There 
is a reason why Portland's banking aristocrats stand in with Wall 
Street, and act as agents for Wall Street in controlling the Port- 
land newspapers 

132 



Wall Street is keeping the laws on the books at Washington for 
them, so that they may continue to get this banking graft. There 
is where the mutuality of interest comes in between Wall Street bank- 
ers and Portland bankers. Wall Street must have agents in each 
town to control the press, to control elections, and to keep the com- 
mon herd under subjection. Wall Street has chosen to use local bank- 
ers for this purpose, and it does so use them. That is how the 
Money Power manages to get two-thirds of the voters to cast their 
ballots directly against their own interests. 

.... There is very little actual cash in the country at any time, 
whether during good times or hard times. The bankers "duplicate" 
deposits — that is, they accept the same dollar over and over again, 
and credit it to separate depositors, without the dollar ever leaving 
the bank once — and in that way they draw interest on the same dol- 
lar over and over again. The total stock of money in the United 
States is only $3,500,000,000, or $35 per capita. Yet, the banks 
have "on deposit," according to reports made by them to the con- 
troller of the currency, $20,000,000,000, or six times as much money 
as there is in existence in the country. That shows you how the 
"duplicating of deposits" works, and how the banks merely keep 
books and loan credit. 



(Oregon Journal, January 8, 1912.) 

.... The Journal insisted and repeats that special privileges 
through legislation by incompetent statesmen able a favored few 
to absorb an undue portion of this huge wealth to the detriment of 
the many. The paper added that the process contributes to the 
number of penniless men and adds to the list of suicides, all of which, 

by implication, Mr. Strong denies The United States possesses 

one-fourth the visible supply of gold and silver in the world. Our 
bank deposits, state and national, aggregate sixteen billion dollars. 
Our bank assets exceed twenty-three billion dollars. No other nation 
approaches these figures. But — nearly one-half the individual de- 
posits and bank assets of the nation is in only three states. — New 
York, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. Forty-eight states create 
the wealth, but three states have almost half the money. How did 
the three states get so large a share? They are the special benefic- 
iaries of the tariff. They are the home of the trusts. Unjust laws 
and non-enforced laws passed and administered by an incompetent 
statesmanship have enabled them to absorb an unfair share of the 
wealth. 

133 



(Collier's, January 13, 1912.) 

.... And there is the power of the banker. He must have the 
confidence of the people to get their money. When they have de- 
posited their money with him, it becomes the basis of credit — about 
three dollars of credit to one dollar of money 

The intervention of banking produced the greatest tragedy in the 
history of mercantile man 

Against $25,000,000 of actual depositors' money, on which it pays 
interest, the bank sells $75,000,000 of credit, on which it receives 
interest 



Everybody has to trust the bank 

Bankers bear a lot of watching. . . . 

In 1907 small depositors needing cash could not get 

their own money out 

* * * 

(Hearst's Magazine, July, 1912.) 

Money Trust, the Wall Street Journal. It is telling the gratify- 
ing story of Mr. Morgan's First National Bank: 

"For a number of years prior to 1901 the bank paid dividends 
of 100 per cent, increasing the capital to $10,000,000 

"The dividends in those five years including the 100 per cent 
extra, totaled over $22,000,000 



By George B. Colman. 

(Gale's, September, 1919.) 

.... Bank deposits before the war $27,000,000,000, bank deposits 
now, 1919, $75,000,000,000. . . . The national Wealth of Italy is esti- 
mated as not more than 100 billion lire, or the debt is three-quarters 
of the natural wealth " 

Would the Statute Hold? 

On the question whether the payment or acceptance of interest 
for the use of money could be forbidden by law, three Portland, Ore- 
gon, lawyers have expressed the following opinions: 

"The law prescribes a legal interest rate. Hence, it may be that 
interest exists only by sufference. The Supreme Court holds that the 

134 



liquor traffic has no inherent right to exist and does exist by li- 
cense only. Interest might be prohibited on the same grounds." 

If ten per cent can be made unlawful why not one per cent or 
any other interest at all be made unlawful ? 

"An attack upon the constitutionality of such a law would prob- 
ably fail if the law were properly drawn. It is a matter over which 
the state has complete soverignty." 



(The Portland Telegram, June 14, 1912.) 

. . . Bankers do not want the people to know. The very sug- 
gestion arouses persistence on the part of the people. If there are 
facts which the bankers think they ought not to disclose, they say 
nothing about them. 

* * * 

(The Portland News, October 25, 1913.) 

... In short, if banks cannot run business, they will do their 
best to kill it. Such is the attitude of the banks. . . . 



(The Liberator, May, 1919.) 



". . . That farct that Berger is sentenced to prison for twenty 
years for being a Socialist, should rally all Socialists. . . . 'From the 
crown of my head to the soles of my feet I am Bolshevik, and proud 
of it. The day of the people has come!'" — Eugene V. Debs. 



(Union Record, May 8, 1919.) 

". . . Senator Borah declared it was deliberate murder to send 
the men to Siberia, and both he and Senator Johnson said that since 
the United States was not at war with Russia it had no right to 
send armed forces into that country." 



(Same paper, May 9, 1919.) 

"A well known labor leader in Detroit says, '. . . . Organized 
labor should today watch its step more carefully than ever before. 
. . . We bled for democracy. We starved for Democracy. Now we 
want democracy. Don't let them scare you. . . .' 'How about the 

135 



machinist organizer in Jackson, Michigan, who was tarred and fea- 
thered as a 'Red'? What was the result? Today the town is more 
firmly organized than it has ever been. And the same will be true 
of Detroit. . . . We are all Americans, and we want our American 
rights in the good old fashioned way . . .' 

" '. . . Flags — red, yellow or green — don't matter much in the 
trenches. All that matters is how good a fighter you are. The same 
with us. We don't care if they legislate us — that is, all our unions 
— out of existence. If our spirit is there we will go over the top 
when the time comes just the way our boys did over there, no mat- 
ter, if we have in our hands a flag, a trowel, a shovel or just a hand- 
ful of the mud that is being thrown at us today. All we need is 
the love of democracy. And, boys, we have it today, we have bled 
for it, we have died for it. And we want it.' " 



(Same paper, May 8, 1919.) 
". . . Jack Cavanagh, president of the British Columbia Federation 
of labor, addressed the council in this city . . . Explaining some of 
the reasons for the movement of the Canadian workers into a new 
form of organization, breaking away from the American Federation 
of Labor, he declared . . . that there are already about 10,000 un- 
employed men in Vancouver, B. C, of which a large percentage are 
returned soldiers. They have come back to find that the country 
for which they fought and which promised them everything has noth- 
ing to give them, not even a job. These men are not going to sit 
quietly by and starve while there is plenty for all within the reach 
of their hands . . ." 



(The Star.) 
. . Europe will go Bolshevik if the League of Nations 



fails 



(The Seattle Times.) 
". . . Workers of America! Bolshevism is not your enemy. 
It is capitalism . . ." 



(Union Record.) 
"Yanks in Russia refuse to fight the Bolshevik . . .' 



(The Star.) 
"The Mayor of Seattle says that the labor council of this city 
is controlled by the I. W. W. . . ." 

136 



(Butte Bulletin, May 9, 1919.) 

The following extracts, giving opinions of some of the American 
presidents on the subject of "America First" and the wisdom of a pol- 
icy of absolute non-interference in the political affairs of other quar- 
ters of the globe: 

President Washington: "It is our true policy to steer clear of 
permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world." 

President John Adams: "But my system was determined, and 
had been so for more than twenty years; that is, to enter into no 
alliance with any power in Europe . . ." 

President Jefferson: "I know that it is a maxim with us, and 
I think it is a wise one, not to entangle ourselves with the affairs 
of Europe." 

President Madison: ". . . To maintain sincere neutrality toward 
belligerent nations . . ." 

President Monroe: ". . . With the existing colonies or dependen- 
cies of any European power we have not interfered and we shall 
not interfere." 

President Jackson: ". . . Cultivate free commerce and honest 
friendship with all nations, but to make entangling alliances with 
none." 

President John Quincy Adams: ". . . Among the enquiries which 
were thought entitled to consideration before the determination was 
taken to accept the invitation was that whether the measure might 
not have the tendency to change the policy hitherto invariably pur- 
sued by the United States of avoiding all entangling alliances and 
all unnecessary foreign connections." 

President Van Buren: "A rigid and persevering abstinence from 
all interference with the domestic and political relations of other 
states . . ." 

President Tyler: "An interference of one in the affairs of an- 
other is the fruitful cause of family disputes, and the same affects 
the peace, happiness, and prosperity of the state . . ." 

President Polk: ". . . To continue to occupy this proud position 
it is only necessary to preserve peace and faithfully adhere to the 
great and fundamental principle of our foreign policy of non-in- 
terference in the domestic concerns of other nations. . . . '." 

President Fillmore: ". . . And although we sympathize with the 
unfortunate or the oppressed everywhere in the struggles for free- 
dom our principles forbid us from taking any part in such foreign 
contests . . ." 

President Pierce: ". . . It is the traditional and settled policy 
of the United States to maintain impartial neutrality during the wars 
which from time to time occur among the great powers of the world." 

137 



President Buchanan: "To avoid entangling alliances has been 
the maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington, and 
its wisdom no one will dispute. 

President Lincoln: "In this unusual agitation we have foreborne 
from taking part in any controversy between foreign states and be- 
tween parties or factions in such states . . ." 

President Grant: ". . . Answer was made that the established pol- 
icy and the true interests of the United States forbade them to in- 
terfere in European powers." 

President Cleveland: ". . . Whatever may be the traditional sym- 
pathy of our country men as individuals with a people who seem to 
be struggling for larger autonomy and greater freedom, deepened, as 
such sympathy naturally must be, in behalf of our natives, yet the 
plain duty of their government is to observe in good faith the rec- 
ognized obligations of international relationship." 



(Portland Oregonian, September 11, 1912.) 
By Clarence Darrow 
"Voting keeps the people satisfied, but that's all." .... 'Those 
who own the earth are quite satisfied to let all men vote — while they 
still keep their property." 

He declared that it is impossible to pass a "really important 

law" in the United States "Things must change, but you 

can't change them by a vote." 



(Grit, October 29, 1916.) 

. . . Science, mechanics, and electricity have, as we all know, 
revolutionized modern warfare to a terrible degree. Talk to men 
who remember the Civil War and they will tell you that the present 
conflict is not war; it is wholesale murder .... 

In regard to big guns experts say that the limit is by no means 
reached with the manufacture of 17-inch firing monsters. They 
prophesy 60-inch and even 80-inch guns which will be able to shoot 
60 to 80 miles. 



Union Record, July 5, 1919.) 
By T. F. G. Dougherty. 
. . . Remember, if the Chief of Police may with impunity vio- 
late a court order restraining him from committing an illegal act 

138 



against ono group of society, he can do the same against any group, 
whether they be I. W. W., trade unionists, Socialists, or any persou 
or organization that his masters — the Capitalists — feel are a "men- 
ace" to their patriotic business of robbing the mass of the people, 
subverting and violating laws and ignoring the courts! . . . 

... It is up to the working class of Seattle to strongly and 
effectively protest against the acts .... not by political recall or 
meaningless resolutions and vapid oratory, but by the exercise of 
Peaceable Economic Direct Action, manifested by the up-to-date 
scientific method of the inside strike — that is stay on the job and 
work! .... 

. . . The foregoing acticle is endorsed by the District Delegate 
Conference of the I. W. W. held in Seattle, July 3rd and 4th, 1919. 



THINK OR SURRENDER 



By George R. Kirkpatrick, Author of "War— What For?" 
(From Booklet, Think or Surrender.) 



The President of the United States $ 75,000 

Xine members of the President's Cabinet at $12,000 each 

per year 108,000 

Ninety-six United States Senators at $7,500 per year 720,000 

Three hundred and ninety-one Congressmen at $7,500 per 

year 2,932,500 

Nine members of Supreme Court of the United States, total 

salaries 131,000 



(Portland News, May 22, 1912.) 

In 1783 the son of a desperately poor German butcher 

landed in New York with three flutes and $27. He was 20 then; 
65 years later he died worth $40,000,000. 

In 1912 the great-grandson of this butcher's boy awoke a few 
mornings ago to find himself the master of a hundred millions. He 
also is but 20 

The first John Jacob Astor was . . . landlord. ... He made the 
" v *rament loan him $8,000,000 without interest and without se- 
curity 

If young Astor tried to spend it all ... . he could replace the 
entire government gold reserve 

139 



He could lay out a path of silver dollars from New York to 
San Francisco, with a few left for terminals 

William Vincent Astor has 27 clerks who pay him over his in- 
come and any of these clerks know more about the estate than 
he does. 



THE TELEPHONE STRIKE 



By Walter C. Hunter. 
(One Big Union, August, 1919.) 
In some respects the strike of the New England telephone oper- 
ators was one of the most interesting I have noticed. . . . The com- 
pany offered $8 a day to strike-breakers. Strike-breaking was prac- 
tically confined to the upper classes. ... It becomes clear that just 
as long as the present owners and managers of the earth can dictate 
to its masters there will then remain but one logical thing for the 
masters to do, and that is abdicate! For where the control is there 
is also the power. 



(Same Paper. By F. A. Blossom.) 
The Industrial Workers of the World organizes the workers by 
industries not trades. Instead of the American Federation of Labor 
plan of dividing the workers in any plant into ten or twenty sep- 
arate craft unions, with separate meetings and separate sets of of- 
ficials, the Industrial Workers of the World unites all the workers 
into each industry, whatever theii particular line of work may be, 
into One Big Industrial Union. In this way, the industrial power 
of the workers is combined, and, when any of them have a disagree- 
ment with their employer, they are backed by the united support 
of all the workers in that industry. . . . 



(Same Paper. By Walter C. Hunter.) 
. . . Anyone with brains will admit that the workers must or- 
ganize, because the bosses are organized in firms, corporations and 
employers' associations; but the big thing is for the worker to be 
sure he organizes under the best system, the one that will make 
his strength count to the utmost in the struggle for his rights 



(Same Paper. By Manuel Rey.) 
... I love you — you the one who carries with you all that is 
noble and human, looking at men without shelter, and in place of 

140 



a friendly name you give him the heart of a worker and the name 
of a brother, as the rebel worker gives his life for the nobl* 
cause ....!... 



(Same paper. By Harold Roland Johnson.) 

. . . Capitalism must go; it is too gross to live beyond this 
generation. The poets have said so and they speak the current of 
the mass — the mass is rising. And after the Battle for Life when 
the hate, greed and misery of Capitalism has vanished with the ages 
long struggle: when life and right have been made secure — then will 
the poetry of love, truth and beauty come from the pens of those 
who brought Freedom. . . . 



(Same Paper.) 



No man who is occupied in doing a very difficult thing, and do- 
ing it very well, ever loses his self-respect. — Bernard Shaw. 



(Appeal To Reason, February 20, 1915.) 
By Allan L. Benson. 



To The Working Class of the World 

You must end war or war will end you. 

What the great men of the world have failed to do, you must 
do or you die. What the great men of the world have failed to do 

you can do The wars of the past were nothing in comparison 

with this war 

Every man who voted for war should be regarded as having 
thereby automatically enlisted into the army. 

The President should be authorized to send to the front all of 
the men who voted for war 

If still more soldiers should be required, the President should 
be authorized to muster into service the men who voted against wai-, 
choosing first those who voted against war latest in the day and 
working backward upon the lists to the first man in each precinct 
who voted against war, who should be the last man called upon to 
fight. 

The President should be forbidden to send to the front any man 
who voted against war until every man who voted for war had been 
mustered into service 

The foregoing is a brief outline of the program that, if adopted 
by the world, would banish war from the world 

141 



The punishment of writers, speakers and public officials who 
foment wars, by compelling them to be common soldiers on the fir- 
ing line in any wars they may provoke. 

The placing of diplomacy in the daylight, to the end that the 
people may have full and accurate knowledge of their negotiations 
with other nations, as they proceed from day to day. It is the lies 
told by diplomats that inflame people who would otherwise De 
peaceful. It is the darkness in which diplomats work that enables 
them to commit aggressions that they would not dare to attempt 
if their own people knew what they were doing 



(Union Record.) 

". . . The Russian Government . . has . . the world's greatest 

statesman — Nikolai Lenine The Times brings forward that 

hoary lie about the nationalization of women by the Bolshevik in an 
attempt to create enough hysteria to keep American troops in Si- 
beria . . ." The Soviet Republic was established without bloodshed 
in Hungary. 



(Pearson's Magazine, May 1919.) 

This information is given by a man who had complete powe*- 
of attorney during the imprisonment of Nikolai Lenine, and spent 
the last ten years with Mr. Lenine: ". . . Lenine . . is hardly un- 
derstood by any living soul . . . Everybody, the great diplomat and 
multi-millionaire, as well as the menial and fanatic; the most in- 
tellectual leaders of parties and of nations, as well as small clerks 
and adventurers; all recognize in him a Master. Your papers speak 
of Lenine, 'The Mob Leader,' 'The Bolshevik,' 'The Proletarian,' what 
nonsense! . . . 

". . . Your capitalists here are frightened because they werw 
told Lenine wishes to put everybody to work. . . . The rich today 
have all the advantages of education, their money buys the refine- 
ments of life and, therefore, they become cultured. . . . Lenine said, 
'We must labor and work for the proletariat.' '. . . But the prole- 
tariats do not and cannot understand us as yet . . . By all means 
we must give them bread . . . We must try to lift them out of 
their own sphere. If we do, they will be unhappy, unable to develop, 
a menace to us and to the whole world . . . The working man must 
get the fruits of his labor . . .' 

"Lenine does not hate capitalists, millionaires and the great 
nobles of the Old World. His quarrels are with systems not with 

142 



persons. He knows the power of money . . . But at present he 
wishes to fight with the weapons of the enemy .... 

"I remember once in London about nine years ago, he received 
a draft for One Million Rubles; in Paris regularly each month, thirty 
to forty thousand francs. . . . His dressing room shows taste. 
... He rises at 5 o'clock in the morning . . . writes until 8 o'clock. 
His breakfast consisting of eggs, coffee and rolls, is brought in with 
his mail and his telegrams. The balance of the forenoon is devoted 
to answering his correspondence. ... He even mails his own letters 
after they are written. ... He lunches in the best restaurants and 
hotels. His guests at lunch are his agents. . . . Once in a while 
he excuses himself, disappears in a telegraph office and dispatches 
messages. His mind is constantly working. ... He always carries 
several thousand francs in his pockets. ... He knows a Russian 
whenever he spies one on the street. He can tell from what part 
of Russia the man comes. 

"... I must say here, that we, who were associates of Leninc 
for years past, considered him a leader long before the world knew 
him as the Prime Minister of Russia. . . . During the winter of 1916 
he gave away about twenty-five overcoats. Walking in the street 
he would see a Russian shivering in the cold, take off his coat and 
give it to him. 'Now don't pawn it, and don't sell it. It is a dis- 
grace for a human being to be insufficiently clad . . .' 

". . . Lenine loves pictures. He could hardly trust himself in 
an artist's studio when he had much money. ... He loves books. 
. . . His English is poor and so is his French. ... He liked Presi- 
dent Wilson's writing in 1917. ... He thought Liebknecht the great- 
est living German. ... He loves to go to shows, to hear good music. 
. . . Lenine believes that all artists and writers ought to be well 
paid so that they may enjoy life and go on creating beautiful things 
for their fellow men . . . 

". . .Lenine is about 6 feet 2 inches in height, . . . and is one 
of the most domineering men I have met in my life. . . . His pock- 
ets usually bulge with books and papers. . . . He never trusts pro- 
letarians. . . . He says, 'The poor devils never have been given a 
chance. I don't blame them if they steal ... He is very careful, 
always thinking ahead of time. ... He does not show joy or sor- 
row. He is always the same. He dismisses his friends usually about 
midnight and sometimes writes until 2 or 3 o'clock in the morning. 
He wishes to be alone before he retires. . . . He never speaks about 
his youth, about the first thirty years of his life. . . . His ambition 
is to give to the masses a good living first of all ... . 

"... I have seen Lenine in the society of the richest and of 
the greatest nobles of the Old World; he always seemed to be richer 

148 



than the richest and nobler than the noblest. And they themselves 
must have felt it, because all bowed before him. He is one of the 
greatest of men, and today the Master of Europe/' 



THE BRITISH LABOR DEMAND 



People in Britain are beginning to refer to the four demands set 
forth by the working men in April last. 

Here they are: 

1. The withdrawal of the Conscription Bill now before Par- 
liament. 

2. The withdrawal of British trodps from Russia. 

3. The raising of the blockade; and 

4. The release of the conscientious objectors now in prison. 
If the Trinity in Paris had only been as wise as these poor work- 
men, how happy we might have been. 



(New Solidarity, October 11, 1919.) 
"The mine owners say our goal is their coal, but we deny the 
coal is theirs. They never put it in the ground, neither do they take 
it out." 



(Proletarian, October, 1919.) 
By O. C. Johnson. 
". . . Yes, there is something wrong, and it doesn't require a 
Socialist to prove it. The phenomenal growth of a plutocratic cap- 
italism in this country has produced more billionaires than all the 
rest of the world combined. All the automobile factories, the food- 
packing plants, the railroads, the mines, and most of the land are 
now in their hands and under their complete control. These thing& 
are their private property, to use as they see fit. The working class, 
on the other hand, is now a big army of workers who go morning 
after morning to work in these industries, and get barely enough 
wages to live on and support their families. These workers are so 
dissatisfied that they are joining unions, and go on strike in an ef- 
fort to get more to live on. . . . 

"The whole trouble is, that the factories and other industries 
are CAPITALIST PROPERTY. If they were PUBLIC property, 

144 



so that the working class as a whole owned and controlled them, that 
trouble would all be over with. The workers would make the work- 
day a good deal shorter, so that a working man would have a lit- 
tle time for himself. . . . 

Of course, many lies are told about the Bolsheviki, but the truth 
is that they are simply abolishing private ownership of those things 
that the workers need. They are doing it so satisfactorily that the 
Russian workers are now firmly determined to keep along this line, 
and all the efforts of the Allies to overcome the Bolsheviki are fail- 
ing. The Russian workers know what is good for them. 



(Grit, January 7, 1917.) 

By Mrs. Ella Patterson. 

Women are the real sufferers from the European war. 

No man on a battlefield ever suffers one tithe the agony that the 
woman who loves him suffers at home waiting for the news that 
may quench the light of day forever for her. Should the mother 
have been called upon to vote the question of war, do you think 
that a majority of these mothers would have voted to have sent 
their splendid young sons out to be mowed down by machine guns, 
as grain is mowed by a reaper in the fields? Do you sup- 
pose that the tender sister would vote to send her brother to pos- 
sible death? No! A thousand times no. 



RUSSIA TOO ORDERLY SAYS CORRESPONDENT 



(Seattle Union Record, June 25, 1919.) 

"The dictatorship of the proletariat means neither anarchy, chaos 
nor continued public disorder, but the greatest possible order." From 
Lenine's Soviets at Work? No, from a cable dispatch of Isaac Don 
Levine, correspondent of the Chicago Daily News in Moscow. And 
by the aforementioned proletariat the Daily News would ordinarily 
be known as a member of the "kept press." 

The message, under date of May 19th, was sent from Moscow t 
by wireless, picked up by the Paris correspondent of the New T s and 
cabled to Chicago. 

It states that the soviet government had never been more power- 
ful than at the date of cable, and that since Admiral Kolchak's re- 
cent successes the masses have arisen to uphold it. 

145 



Allies Help Soviets 

"The allies' blockade of the Baltic has embittered all classes," 
writes Levine. "The Franco-British aim is said to be to dismember 
Russia and reduce her to slavery, and 100,000,000 Russians are now 
ready to die in defense of their government rather than surrender. 
The newspapers here publish the wireless dispatches sent from Paris 
to Mexico. Those relating to soviet Russia are absolutely contrary 
to the facts, and even people here most violently opposed to Bolshe- 
vism cannot find anything here to support such assertions."' 

To the newspaper correspondent accustomed to the wilds of the 
American city at night, soviet Russia seems even a little tame, for 
"there is even too much order," writes this one. A similar comment 
was recently made by H. N. Brailsford, English journalist, on soviet 
Hungary. 

America Wilder 

"Imagine what would happen in Chicago at night if the streets 
were unlighted and imagine further what would happen if the police 
disappeared from the city. There are no policemen in Moscow and 
because of the coal crisis the streets are unlighted, yet one can 
traverse the streets after midnight in perfect safety," avows Levine. 

"The operas and theaters are crowded. Despite exorbitant prices 
the people are well shod and well dressed. The saloons are closed 
and also the brilliant department stores. The luxurious hotels have 
been transformed into lodgings for working people and representa- 
tives of the Soviets. 

"The government mobilization is proceeding throughout the 
country with less disorder than attended the draft in the United 
States. 

"Never in the history of modern Russia has any government had 
more real authority than the present soviet system." 



THE WORKINGMAN 



(Seattle Union Record, Daily Edition, Friday, May 31, 1918.) 

He makes everything. 

He makes butter and eats oleo. 

He makes overcoats and freezes. 

He builds palaces and lives in shacks. 

He raises the corn and eats the husks. 

He builds automobiles and walks home. 

146 



He makes kid gloves and wears mittens. 
He makes fine tobacco and chews scraps. 
He makes fine flour and eats stale bread. 
He makes fine clothing and wears shoddy. 
He makes good cigars and smokes twofers. 
He builds electric light plants and bums oil. 
He makes meerschaum pipes and smokes clay. 
He makes fine frocks and wears cotton ones. 
He makes dress suit shirts and wears flannel. 
He produces fine beef and eats the soup bone. 
He makes broadcloth pants and wears overalls. 
He makes carriages and pushes a wheelbarrow. 
He makes stovepipe hats and wears cheap derbies. 

And now we suppose we'll be chided for stirring up "class 
hatred," but we submit we are not responsible for the conditions 
and are certainly not to be blamed for attempting to switch things 
a little. 



(Solidarity, July 31, 1915.) 
By Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. 

The average wage for women ... in the United States is less 
than $7 a week. In New Jersey 83,000 women average $6.50 a 
week; in Lawrence, Mass., mothers are toiling for $3 a week; depart- 
ment stores in New York City pay from $2.50 to $7 per week . . . 
27,000 children under 16 years of age are working in cotton mills 
in the South. We are determined that industry shall be so organized 
that all adults, men and women, may work and receive in return 
a sufficiency to make child labor a relic of barbarism. 



(Appeal To Reason, November 7, 1914.) 

According to the interstate commerce commission, the railroads 
of the United States are capitalized at $19,208,935,081. They are 
bonded for $10,738,217,470. These obligations total, in round num- 
bers, thirty billion dollars. This is about one-fifth of the total 
wealth of the United States. As there are 225,447 miles of rail- 
road operated in America, it means that every mile of railroad has 
against it stocks and bonds of about $120,000. The interest on the 
bonds amounts to over $360,000,000 a year, and you are held for this 
interest, without having contracted it. Now Mr. Ripley and Presi- 
dent Wilson wish you to assume the debt of the stocks and guarantee 
dividends on them. 

147 



The report of the interstate commerce commission on steam 
railroads, issued last June, shows that for the fiscal year ending 
in June the various railroads of America had an operating revenue 
of $2,991,391,325. The total operating expenses were $2,155,134,734. 
This leaves a net operating income of $836,256,590. 



(The Sunday Journal, Portland, July 10, 1910.) 

New York, July 9th. — The Fifth Avenue bank, located at number 
530 Fifth Ave., in declaring the regular quarterly dividend of twenty- 
five per cent and a special dividend of 130 per cent, again leads the 
banking institutions of this city from the view point of earning 
power. Those dividends are out of the profits of 1909. 

For more than eight years the average dividend paid to hold- 
ers of stock of this institution amounted to about 250 per cent. The 
bank was organized years ago by prominent merchants, and it is 
still controlled by men of this class. 

Although the par value of its stock is $100; it recently sold for 
$1500 per share. Because of its capitalization of $100,000; and its 
surplus of over $2,000,000; the bank has been able to distribute these 
large earnings among its stockholders. 

The regular quarterly dividend of 25 per cent has been main- 
tained for years. The special dividends declared in recent years 
are as follows: 1905, 120 per cent; total dividends 220 per cent that 
year. 1906, 100 per cent (no extra dividend being declared). 1907, 
150 per cent; total dividends 250 per cent. 1908, 160 per cent; total 
dividends 260 per cent. 1909, 130 per cent; total dividends 230 per 
cent. 

This bank has deposits aggregating $16,000,000. 



(Oregon Labor Press, November, 1916.) 

The people will not and should not tolerate any plan 

for raising revenues The report of Mr. Basil M. Manly, 

director of research and investigation for the United States Com- 
mission on Industrial Relations shows that: "Between one-fourth 
and one-third of the male workers 18 years of age and over, in 
factories and mines, earn less than $10 per week. From two-thirds 
to three-fourths earn less than $15 per week." There are in the 
United States 1,598 fortunes yielding an income of $100,000 or more 
per year. Forty-four families in 1914 had incomes of $1,000,000 or 
more each. Two per cent of the people own 60 per cent of the 
wealth 

148 



e j. ip ; ; ,v \toi 



flfiirt" ft 
Tkat's for us. Bill. 




149 



(The Portland Daily News, January 22, 1915.) 
By Sarah Christopher. 

I asked for a chance to honestly earn my food, and 

New York offered me instead — a cocktail for a lobster supper 

I read in a New York paper: "The number of working women 
out of employment is three times what it is at this season in normal 
years." .... 

I thought it couldn't be true But because I had once 

been a poor working girl myself .... I made up my mind I would 
find out 

I was edging my chair away from him as I asked: "How much 
does the position pay?" 

"Five dollars to begin," he answered. 

"I can't live on that," I said 

"No, of course not! Nobody expects you to!" he said. "A good 
looking girl like you doesn't have to live on $5. Why you might 
get as much as $18 a week." 



A Montana Mining Company, after making $168,000,000 during the 
war, cut the men down one dollar a day. Ford, after working for 
the Government during the war without profit, raised his men one; 
dollar a day. 



(Taken from a Wall Street paper.) 

The United States has only 6 per cent of the world's population, 
yet we produce as follows: Twenty-five per cent of the world's 
supply of wheat, 40 per cent of the world's supply of iron and steel, 
52 per cent of the world's supply of coal, 75 per cent of the world's s 
supply of corn, 85 per cent of the world's supply of automobiles, 
60 per cent of the world's supply of cotton, 66 per cent of the world's 
supply of oil. We also refine 80 per cent of the world's supply of 
copper and operate 40 per cent of the world's railroads. 

Five men control nearly 70 per cent of the interstate business 
in the principal lines of the meat packing industry. 



(Taken from the National Civil Liberties Bureau, which has issued 
the following statement from its headquarters, 41 Union Square, 
New York City.) 

... In the cases cited in the Attorney General's report as typical 
of those prosecuted under the Espionage Law, there is not one case 

150 



in which the prisoner was convicted of being a paid German spy, or 
of even trying to find out military secrets. All the convictions which 
are reported arose under which the maximum sentence is two years. 
. . . American citizens exercising (perhaps without discretion) the 
right of free speech in war time have boon sentenced to as high as 
twenty years in the penitentiary . . ." 



(We now quote from President Wilson's book, "The New 
Freedom": 

Page 201 — ". . . We have come to be one of the worst ruled, 
one of the most completely controlled and dominated governments in 
the civilized world — no longer a government by free opinion, no longer 
a government by free conviction and the vote of the majority, but 
a government by the opinion and the duress of small groups of domi- 
nant men." 

Page 77 — ". . . I want the people to come in and take possession 
of their premises; for I hold that the government belongs to the 
people, and that they have a right to that intimate access to it which 
will determine every turn of its policy." 

Page 91 — ". . . We must learn, we freemen, to meet, as our 
fathers did, somehow, somewhere, for consultation. There must be 
discussion and debate, in which all freely participate." 

Page 107 — ". . . The men who have been ruling America must 
consent to let the majority into the game." 

Page 30 — ". . . We stand in the presence of a revolution — not 
a bloody revolution; America is not given to the spilling of blood, 
but a silent revolution, whereby America will insist upon recovering 
in practice those ideals which she has always professed, upon securing 
a government devoted to the general interest and not to special in- 
terests." ". . . The people of the United States have made up their 
minds. They are going to open doors; they are going to let up blinds, 
they are going to drag sick things into the open air and into the 
light of the sun. They are going to organize a great hunt, and 
smoke certain animals out of their burrows." 

Page 255 — ". . . Today we are seeing something that some of 
us have waited all our lives to see. We are seeing a whole people 
stand up and decline any longer to be imposed upon. The day has 
come when men are saying to each other: 'It doesn's make a pep- 
percorn's difference to me what party I have voted with'." 

151 



V2UL . x IViOHM 



^MWmj 191?. 




152 



(Union Record, August 19, 1919.) 

. . . English government is, as a rule, admirable. English co- 
lonial policy (if there must be colonies) is on the whole better than 
that of any other nation — excepting our American policy in the 
Philippines. 

But rising from the reading of Schopiro's history of Europe — a 
trustworthy writer — it is clear that England's treatment of Ireland 
for hundreds of years has been "characterized by almost inhuman 
cruelty and ferocity." . . . 

"Driven from the land, the Irish turned to cattle-raising; but 
the English government put a high export duty on cattle and so 
destroyed that industry. The Irish then built up a prosperous trade 
in wool, but the English put a high export duty on wool, and this 
industry too was ruined." Edmund Burke said that these laws con- 
stituted as "complete a system for the oppression, impoverishment 
and degradation of a people as ever proceeded from the ingenuity 
of man." 

From 1849 to 1882 no fewer than 363,000 peasant families wert* 
evicted from their homes. As a result of oppression, 1,250,000 Irish- 
men emigrated to America between 1846 and 1851. 

England's treatment of Ireland has been so persistently bad and 
cruel, that it would seem that nothing but the submergence of Ire- 
land with it attendant annihilation or independence would permanently 
settle the problem. There is one possible compromise, namely, to 
turn the tables and let Ireland govern England for a few centuries. 



(Union Record, September 8, 1919.) 

. . . The Russian Bolshevik government, as at present constituted, 
is the most conservative government the Russian people will ever 
peaceably accept, declares Robert Minor. . . . 

"The New Russian republic is nothing more nor less than the 
most modem republic in the world; there is nothing strange or 
diseased about it — it is just a healthy big republic possessing the 
laws we ourselves are gravitating toward," said Minor. . . . 

You know the world has come to that point where there are 
no more movements except international movements. Some people 
cannot understand that the world has made a tremendous leap in 
the past three years and is going to retain the progress gained. 
They cannot understand that the future is molded almost exclusively 
by the labor movement. . . . 

Now dismiss from your minds the lies that have been told on 
the score of the "Red Terror." 

153 



Perhaps 4,500 or 5,000 people were killed under the "Red Ter- 
ror," for that reason Russia is to be excluded from all consider- 
ation, they say. Look on the other side of the fight. Not less than 
76,000 were killed by the "White Terror' and you never heard 
of it. . . . 



(Post-Intelligencer, August 17, 1919.) 

. . . Agents of the investigation branch of the department of 
justice said that in one cold storage plant visited today, a frozen 
hog was found which they were told had been in storage for twenty- 
five years. . . . 



(Union Record, August 18, 1919.) 

. . . Among the workers there are . . . those who can get jobs 
and those who cannot. . . . there are always about 1,000,000 unem- 
ployed workers in the United States. At times this number rises 
to four, five or even six millions. . Those who get jobs produce for 
a wage or slavery. The unemployed beg, accept charity, live on their 

accumulations, or starve Nicholas Lenine . . . "He that 

will not work, neither shall he eat." 



(Pearson's Magazine, August, 1919.) 

. . . War Losses. The other clay I read a British apoligist in 
the World, who declared that the British losses in the war were 
the heaviest and therefore Britain deserved what she certainly got, 
the largest compensation. The truth, of course, shows very dif- 
ferently; France in four and one-half years of war, lost one man in 
every twenty-six inhabitants; Britain, exclusive of dominions, lost 
one in every sixty-six of its population; Italy, one in every seventy- 
nine inhabitants. 

Germany's losses work out as one man in every thirty-five in- 
habitants; Austria-Hungary, one in every fifty; Russia, one in every 
107 inhabitants. . . . 



(Dearborn Independent, August 2, 1919.) 

... If a man were shut in a room, filled with books contain- 
ing all the wisdom of the world, and lived long enough to absorb 
them all, and died there, he might be the wisest man in the world; 
but he would also be the most useless; . . . 

154 



... It isn't what we know, it's what we do with our knowledge 
that matters. Any study that is idle and adds nothing to a man's 
stock in trade for his life work is wasted study. . . . 

. . . The man who knows a little and knows that little well is 
generally more useful to his fellow-men than the man who has a 
smattering of all tongues and arts, and can practice none of them. 

Mere learning means nothing; the application of it is every- 
thing; if you have learned more than you can apply to life, you have 
wasted time and are carrying idle cargo. Make your books count 
for something. 



LET CONGRESS INVESTIGATE McNEIL PRISON 



(Union Record, July 31, 1919.) 

Ugly bits of information keep coming from the prison at McNeil Is- 
land. Charges that men have died as the result of brutal treatment, 
. . . that men have had their "heads broken" so that they remained 
unconscious for hours. 

It is difficult matter to get at the truth of charges of this 
kind. No prisoner dares to give information, lest the warden of the 
piison wreak vengeance on him. Our news has come from many 
sources which corroborate each other, and none of which are persons 
who have had any previous relations with the Union Record or our 
labor movement. . . . 

... In 1918, it is charged, the food was so "rotten" that pris- 
oners refused to eat it. For this they were treated with brutal- 
ity. . . . Some of the men then had their clothes and shoes re- 
moved and were imprisoned naked with only a cement floor to sleep 
on. Two of these men caught pneumonia and died. This was in 
April, 1918. The facts regarding this were concealed. . . . 

... By what right, we ask, are papers and books that are mail- 
able under the law of the United States, denied to prisoners who wish 
to read them. The petty tyranny of the warden decides what pa- 
pers and magazines the prisoners shall be allowed to read. 

Fourteen men were strung up by the wrists in solitary. They 
broke 26 handcuffs and six chains in their struggles. They were 
then handcuffed with hands behind their backs for the remainder of 
the time. One man has been 43 days in solitary on bread and water; 
other men for shorter periods.' This is a diet which gradually pois- 

155 



ons the system, as white bread and water create an indigestible 
paste of starch, more dangerous to health than actual starvation. 

It is high time for an investigation of these conditions. In our 
own opinion, the shores of Puget Sound would be brighter and cleaner 
if that old prison was wiped from the face of the earth. It is re- 
sponsible for more human sufferings than it ever saves. 

But we know Congress will hardly take a view like this. Let 
them then recognize the fact that when we confine even a dog, and 
take from him the power to protect himself, or seek his own liveli- 
hood, we make ourselves morally responsible for the decent care 
of that dog. . . . 



THE SYSTEM IN INDIA 



Bullets vs. Passive Resistance. 



By Ed. Gammons. 

(Seattle Union Record, December 8, 1919.) 

Satyagraha Day, April 6, arrived. All India mourned. It was 

a day of humiliation, fasting, prayer and complete cessation of work. 

No fires were lit. No meals were cooked. Not a wheel moved. Not 

a shop was open. 

The ancient feuds between the various Indian communities were 
suspended. They are now wiped out. Hindus and Mohammedans, 
Sikhs and Marwaris, made common cause. In the public square of 
Calcutta, Hindus drank water handed to them by Mohammedans. The 
latter reciprocated. In this simple manner was the caste system 
smashed. No longer can the alien conqueror use one sect against 
the other. They are both united against him. 

Two hundred thousand people assembled in Calcutta. They 
marched through the streets, bareheaded, wailing, beating their 
breasts, crying "Rowlatt Bills, hai, hai" (Down with the Rawlatt 
Bills.) When the meeting convened, B. Chakravorty, the principal 
speaker, demanded that Great Britain redeem the pledge given the 
people of India when they accepted the late Queen Victoria as their 
sovereign. He read her proclamation of the people of India: 

"We hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian territories 
by the same obligation of duty which binds us to all our other sub- 
jects and those obligations, by the blessings of Almighty God, we 
shall faithfully and conscientiously fulfill." 

156 



Trust in Treaties 

The speaker also dilated on the Magna Charta, the Petition of 
Rights and the Bill of Rights. He forgot that past history taught 
that treaties were but scraps of paper when small nations like Ire- 
land and Belgium faced mighty empires. Resolutions were passed 
protesting against the enforcement of the Rowlatt Bills, and the aa- 
semblage dispersed peacefully, despite the fact that missiles were 
thrown at a contingent from the Bristol Hotel. 

In Delhi, where one hundred thousand people demonstrated, the 
military fired on the paraders. In many of the larger centers, shops 
owned by passive resisters, were opened at the point of the bayonet; 
when meetings were convened it was found that the speakers had been 
deported during the previous night and in many communities active 
organizers were publicity flogged on the pretext that they tore down 
government notices. 

Then came the calm before the storm. On April 11 all India 
went on strike. It was peaceful. The people were told by their 
leaders not to exact vengeance for the murdered of Satyagraha Day. 
Mahatma Gandhi repeated his exhortation: "Bear any abuse, any 
insult, any violence, any suffering, even unto death, without hatred, 
without resistance as brave men, as martyrs determined to maintain 
the truth at all cost." The fraternization of the first great demon- 
stration still continued. Hindus went to Mohammedan mosques and 
prayed in Mohammedan style. The latter prayed in Hindu temples. 
Transportation was paralyzed. In a few instances where trains and 
street cars were running the people threw themselves down on the 
tracks and compelled them to stop. 

Bombs Break Peace. 

Airplanes dispersed the crowds with bombs and machine guna. 
In Calcutta the demonstrators were mown down with machine gun 
f'ne. At Lahore 400 students were fired upon because they refused 
to "move on." Martial law was proclaimed. Public whippings be- 
came the order of the day. The authorities in the Punjab ordered 
that the shops be opened and in the event of refusal, the owners were 
ordered fined, imprisoned and whipped. Passive resistance went. 
Revolution came. Gandhi ordered the suspension of the movement 
and a 72-hour fast in atonement for the violence, which he blamed 
on himself and his policy. ' 

All India is in open revolution! The censor has clamped down 
the wives. Like the Sinn Feiners of Ireland, the Indians are drilling 
without arms and guerilla warfare is in progress. The policies of 
the moderate and passive resistance parties have been blown to bits 
by British bombs and India is united in demanding self-determination. 

157 



(Seattle Union Record, November 28, 1919.) 

The following extract from the Butte Bulletin is contained in the 
dodger: 

"Commander of Legion in Butte, Veteran of France, 
Talks Straight Americanism. 

"The I. W. W. in Centralia, Wash., who fired upon the men thav 
were attempting to raid the I. W. W. headquarters, were fully justi- 
fied in their act," said Edward Bassett, commander of the Butte Post 
of the American Legion, when asked his opinion of the recent Ar- 
mistice Day riots which resulted fatally for four of the attacking 
party and one of the defenders. 

"Mob rule in this country must be stopped," continued Mr. Bas- 
sett, "and when mobs attack the home of a millionaire, of a laborer, 
or of the I. W. W., it is not only the right but the duty of the oc- 
cupants to resist with every means in their power. If the officers 
of the law can not stop these raids, perhaps the resistance of the 
raided may have that effect. 

"Whether the I. W. W. is a meritorious organization or not, 
whether it is unpopular or otherwise, should have absolutely nothing 
to do with the case. The reports of the evidence at the coroner's 
jury show that the attack was made before the firing started. If 
that is true, I commend the boys inside for the action that they took. 

"The fact that there were some American Legion men among the 
paraders who everlastingly disgraced themselves by taking part in 
the raid, does not affect my judgment in the least. Any one who 
becomes a party to a mob bent upon unlawful violence, cannot ex- 
pect the truly patriotic men of the American Legion to condone 
his act." 



WHERE, OH WHERE CAN THE PUBLIC BE? 



(Seattle Union Record, November 28, 1919.) 

There is somebody in this country being terribly misrepresented, 
and that somebody is the public. Since the first organized body of 
workers went on strike in this country, the capitalist press has tried 
to classify that part of the population which was not on strike a* 
"the public." 

Years ago when the teamsters in Chicago went on strike the 
press declared that if the strikers did win the public would lose, 
thereby informing us that the teamsters were not a part of the 
public. 

158 



And when the street car men went on strike, the press informed 
us that the street car men should remain at work so "the public" 
would not have to walk, thereby informing 1 us that street car employes 
were not a part of "the public." 

The Public Invoked. 

A few years later when the Western Federation of Miners struck, 
the press informed us that if the miners didn't need the copper which 
they "were producing" "the public" did, thereby informing us that 
quartz miners were not a part of the public. 

A few years later when the I. W. W. started speaking on the 
streets the press informed them that they must quit speaking to 
"the public" or be driven from the city or be killed, thereby inform- 
ing us that the I. W. W. are not a part of the public. 

A few years later when the lumberjacks struck for an eight-hour 
day the press shed tears of blood because the public would have to 
pay more for lumber, thereby informing us that the lumberjacks are 
not a part of "the public." 

A few years later, when a general strike was declared in Seat- 
tle .. . thereby informing us that none of the working people in 
Seattle are a part of "the public." 

We're Excluded. 

Being convinced by this time that no union man or woman was 
a part of the public, surely, thought I, the farmers must be "the 
public." But by this time the farmers had organized all over the 
Northwest. This brought forth the wrath of the prostitute editors, 
who decorated their editorial pages with great pictures of "rich farm- 
ers" robbing "poor" wholesale dealers and "poverty-stricken" stock 
brokers, thereby informing us that the farmers are not a part of 
"the public." 

And November 1 the great coal miners' strike occurred. The gov- 
ernment immediately stepped in and said, "I shall protect 'the pub- 
lic,' " and as the government did not protect the miners it thereby 
informed us that coal miners are not a part of "the public." 

This morning I met an old-time coal miner. Said I to the minei-, 
"Why is the press shedding tears about the coal miners? Is it be- 
cause some miners are entombed and doomed to death in an 
Ohio mine?" 

The miner laughed and said, "No, you fool! They're weeping 
because 'the public's shins are cold." 

Said I to the miner. "Can you tell me who 'the public' is?" 

159 



"Certainly," said the miner "it's that part of the population 
which craves things it does not produce or help to produce." 

"Where did you get your information?" said I. 

"From the capitalist press," said the miner. 

HARSTON PETERS, 
Blacksmith's Local 211. 



TEACH BOLSHEVISM TO TOTS IN THE SCHOOLS OF BOSTON 



(Seattle Star, July 28, 1919.) 

Bolsheviki schools, in which the seeds of class hatred are sown 
in the minds of little children hardly out of the toddling age, are 
operating here and in several other New England cities. 

. . . The powerful influence of the teachings of the Bolsheviki 
was shown recently when, during a recess at one of the big public 
schools here, teachers were amazed to hear their pupils singing: . . . 
These children, who sang lustily and in perfect time, were all pu- 
pils of Boston's schools of Bolshevism. 



ANALYSIS OF FREE SPEECH 



By Mark Stone. 

(The Forge, August 2, 1919.) 

Free speech is an ideal that lives in the hearts of men. It is 
not a fact. It never has been a fact. At no time during our some 
six thousand years of historical record has there existed any nation 
all of whose people enjoyed freedom of speech. Freedom of thought 
and expression is a hope, a dream, an ideal, a vision, that lives in 
the minds of those who look forward to a fairer and better world. 
For two centuries men have talked about free speech. They have 
dreamed of it. They have hoped and worked and suffered and died 
for it. But they never realised it. Martyrs to Free Speech. Soc- 
rates died for free speech. Savonorola hung for it. Galileo was tor- 
tured for it. Bruno was burned for it. Voltaire was imprisoned 
for it. Huxley was ostracized for it. Marx was starved for it. 
Wendell Phillips and Lloyd Garrison were mobbed for it. Frank 
Little, 'Gene Debs and William Haywood have been hung, and jailed 
and persecuted for it. Yet we haven't got it. The best brains of 
history have labored for it. . . . 

160 



(Union Record, July 30, 1919.) 

The Central Leather Company is not worrying about the high 
cost of this product. In the six months ended June 30 the com- 
pany's net operating income was $9,495,622, a gain of $3,203,098 
over the last half of last year. After paying all dividends the com- 
pany has a surplus of over $4,000,000. 



(Seattle Union Record, November 21, 1919.) 

The employers will give time to eat, time to sleep; they are 
in terror of time to think. — G. K. Chesterton. 

I am absolutely convinced you have got to give to the wage- 
earners a share in the management of the industry in which they 
are employed. — Lord Robert Cecil. 

There is no reason why women should not hold the office of 
Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. — Lord Haldane. 

Parliament is spending millions and millions of pounds for the 
upkced of the army, navy and air force. One would almost think 
that we were just starting on a war instead of having just finished 
one. — General Talbot Hobbs. 

I believe that if things go on as they are going at present the 
House of Commons will be ruined. — Sir Edward Carson, M. P. 



(The Public, November 15, 1919.) 

So ran and so runs the reasoning of the Minneapolis and St. 
Paul Chambers of Commerce and all who follow their lead in the 
Northwest: The first onslaught against Townley fell flat. In one 
grand chorus they yelled, "Townley is a Socialist and an I. W. W." 
The farmers and workers just laughed, and kept on voting. — Jud- 
son King. 

We are passing through a dangerous situation. The public mind 
is inflamed and fuel is being daily added to the flames by irre- 
sponsibles. — Wm. Short. 



Our "preparedness" must consist of ending the age-long labor 
war. It must entail the enlargement of our freedom. . . . 

To the unrestricted right to exchange the products of our labor 
at its true value with all others. 

161 



By all means let us get busy with preparedness. 

Let us get a place on which to stand. 

Let use get a country worth righting for. . . . 

The Constitution declares that we have the "right of life, liberty 
and the pursuit of happiness," but thus far we have had more "pur- 
suit" than anything else 



(The Oregonian, July 28, 1912.) 

In New York crime does not stand in terror of the law; the 
law stands in terror of crime. .... The law can fight only accord- 
ing to set rules .... the lawless have but one rule — do anything- 

to win The judges owe their offices to the body which has 

made this unholy alliance with crime, which has sold out to the 
enemy. They know it and they act accordingly with a single eye 

to their own profit This condition does not concern New 

York alone. It concerns the whole nation. The country's chief city 
has become the stronghold cf crime of every grade, from the man 
who picks a pocket or makes a girl his slave. Thence the maraud- 
ing bands of criminals make incursions into the "back country," as 
did the robber barons from their castles; thither they return as a 
safe refuge from pursuit. The whole country therefore pays toll to 
Tammany and its allies of the underworld. 



THE CRIME OF CRIMES 



What is the crime of crimes? It is to refuse to seek out, to 
know and to defend the truth, as against the wrongs and injustice 
that pauperize, brutalize and criminalize humanity the world over. 
— L. J. Smith. 



GOOD FOR THE DOUGHBOYS 



(Seattle Union Record, August 1, 1919.) 

The soldiers and sailors who are coming back are beginning to 

talk. Some of the things they are thinking are surprising. The 

National Weekly News of the Soldiers, Sailors and Marines gives this 

list of the sentiments which are expressed generally and emphatically: 

1. Thorough disgust with army life and discipline. 

2. Decided objection to any form of compulsory military serv- 
ice as part of the nation's future policy. 

162 



3. Anything but good feeling for the Commander-in-Chief of 
the A. E. F. 

4. A strong conviction that many of the regular army officers 
so largely shaping the affairs of the army are inefficient and with- 
out business sense and judgment; that they lack candor in their 
dealings with their subordinates, and that they made many unwar- 
ranted blunders during the war, and notably since the armistice. 

5. That a man who is willing to give his life for his country, 
to run the risk of loss of limbs and sight, and to take the chance 
of coming back with health shattered is at least entitled to somw 
of the rights of an American citizen when wearing the olive drab; 
that he should be treated as a man, and not as an inmate of a peni- 
tentiarv. 



(The Messenger, July, 1919.) 

The I. W. W. is the only labor organization in the United States 
which draws no race or color line. It deals chiefly, too, with un- 
skilled laborers. They stand on the principle of industrial union- 
ism, which would necessarily include, in its organization, any Ne- 
groes in an industry. For instance, the Brotherhood of Railway 
Trainmen, has in its organization the conductors, firemen, engineers 
and switchman. Negroes are not permitted to join, notwithstanding 
the fact that there are 149,000 Negroes engaged in the transporta- 
tion work. The I. W. W. would include those 149,000 Negroes, who 
have the power, by stopping their work, to tie up the railroads a» 
completely as the Big Four Brotherhood could. If the Negroes 
stopped loading the cars, repairing the tracks and producing the 
materials which are necessary for transportation, the engineers woukT 
have nothing to carry, but the Big Four Brotherhoods are so highly 
American that they are shot through with race prejudice which blinds 
them to their enlightened self interest. 

The 200,000 Negroes who fought on the Union side to free them- 
selves and their brothers from chattel slavery — were traitors to the 
slave holders. 



(Seattle Union Record, August 2, 1919.) 

American soldiers returning from Archangel are reported to be 
still wondering why they were sent there. But, according to Harry 
J. Hibschman in the New Republic, most of them have "at least 
a suspicion of a reason, and it is not held only by men in the ranks. 

163 



"It is that the expedition was planned and carried out for the 
purpose of advancing British and French financial interests." 

How did they get this strange idea, you ask! Bolshevist propa- 
ganda ? "No," says Mr. Hibschman. 

"One officer says openly that he bases his belief on what he 
heard English officers say." 



COST OF FOOD HAS SOARED 88 PER CENT IN SIX YEARS 



Washington, D. C, Saturday, Aug. 2, 1919.— Since 1913, the 
cost of foodstuffs has advanced 88 per cent, records in the bureau 
of labor statistics revealed yesterday. During this period, articles 
which increased 100 per cent or more were: 

Sugar, 100 per cent; pork chops and ham, 103 per cent each; 
bacon, 107 per cent; potatoes, 111 per cent; commeal, 125 per cent-, 
flour, 127 per cent, and lard 154 per cent. 

During the past year alone food increased 14 per cent. Onions 
increased 133 per cent; prunes, 53 per cent; coffee, 41 per cent; 
potatoes, 31 per cent; cheese, 28 per cent; eggs, 26 per cent; butter, 
24 per cent; lard, 23 per cent; sugar, 16 per cent; milk, 15 per cent, 
and flour, 12 per cent. 

Cornmeal decreased 6 per cent; chuck roast and plain boiling 
beef each decreased 5 per cent, and navy beans, 16 per cent during 
the same period. 

Since December, 1915, there has been an average increase of 
120 per cent in the cost of wearing apparel, 45 per cent for fuel ana 
light, 125 per cent for furniture and furnishings, and 65 per cent 
in miscellaneous articles. — (Reprint Seattle Times, Aug. 3, 1919.) 



(International Socialist Review, July, 1916.) 

Young Marshall Field III has quit Chicago and is going to 
live in New York "for keeps." 

When this kid is 50 years old he will step into the ownership 
of a fortune of more than $350,000,000. 

There is no record, report or rumor that at any time anywhere 
in his life he has done a day's work. 

An army of people work for him. 

A brigade of 8,000 pour into the doors of the retail and whole- 
sale establishments of Marshall Field & Co. in Chicago every week- 
day morning. 

Thousands of the girl slaves of the Field store get under $6 
a week for pay. 

164 



This $6 covers room rent and food and car fare. 

And clothes, music and fun must come from somewhere else 
for a lot of these girls. 

So the talk is that the young man, Marshall Field III, will 
have his fingers on a lot of dirty blood money when he's fifty 
years of age. 



(Pearson's Magazine, July, 1919.) 

. . . Mr. Vanderlip, the head of the National City Bank, talked 
much about the state of Europe at a dinner given to him in the 
Astor Hotel. Mr. Vanderlip is not an ideal witness by any means; 
first of all he is a financier pure and simple; secondly he knows 
little or nothing of Europe and little or nothing of any language 
but his own; yet in an hour he told us more than all the corre- 
spondents of all the New York papers put together and what he 
did not tell was more appalling than what he told. . . . 



CONNOLLY'S DAY 



By W. P. Ryan. 
(Pearson's Magazine, July, 1919.) 

On May 12, 1916, James Connolly was carried from his bed 
in a hospital where he was lying w r ith an ankle shot to pieces and 
brought before a firing squad. He was so weak that he could not 
stand or sit, so the British soldiers tied him in a chair and then 
shot him dead 

. . . The militarists could not kill the immortal part of Con- 
nolly; they could not shoot the least of his ideas; what they could 
do, and did, was to speed the greatest of his beliefs into Irish toil- 
ers. . . The Irish Labor Movement ever since is broad-based on 
Connolly. Whosoever loseth his life shall find it. Connolly's life 
seems to live with an immeasurably higher intensity than before ; 
for it is lending inspiration to many, many thousands. HIS HUMAN 
DAYS. It sometimes seems a pity that he could not witness the 
triumph of his ideas. How he would have rejoiced at the price and 
spirit of these times! .... 

... At the age of twenty-six, he started on the bold adventure 
of founding the Irish Socialist Republican Party in Dublin ... he 
was the most Irish of all our democratic leaders. In short, under- 
standing the Connolly of 1896, we understand the Connolly of all the 
years and fortunes to 1916, when he crowned his gospel of Labor 
and Nationality with the supreme proof of faith. . . . 

165 



(Post-Intelligencer, July 17, 1919.) ' 

Dublin, July 16. — The Irish Nationalist Association, composed 
largely of followers of the late John Redmond, who fought dur- 
ing the war, decided today that its members would not march in 
the Victory Parade in London on Saturday. 



MORGAN AND HIS DIRECTORS CONTROL $25,000,000,000 
OF NATION'S WEALTH 



(The Portland News, December 18, 1912.) 

. . . Morgan the world's greatest Trust organizer and 

18 firms, with 180 members, hold directorships in 134 of the wealth- 
iest corporations in the country, controlling $25,325,000,000 in re- 
sources and capitalization. These men it is alleged hold 385 director- 
ships in 41 great banks and trust companies, with aggregate re- 
sources of $3,832,000,000; 155 directorships in 31 railroads, capitalized 
at $12,193,000,000; 50 directorships in 11 insurance companies with 
assets of $2,646,000,000; six directorships in two express companies, 
and four directorships in one steamship company, with a combined 
capital of $245,000,000, and a gross annual income of $97,000,000; 
98 directorships in 28 industrial corporations, capitalized at $3,583,- 
000,000, with an earning capacity of $1,145,000,000 annually, and 48 
directorships in 19 public utility corporations, capitalized at $2,826,- 
000,000, with an earning capacity of $428,000,000 annually. The chart 
showed Morgan to be the head and front of the alleged combine. 



IS MEXICO IN DANGER? 



By John Kenneth Turner. 

There is no need to waste words as to what Wall Street wants 
in Mexico. It wants political control sufficient to insure the full- 
est capitalistic protection for its property interests, present and pro- 
spective, regardless of democracy, the rights of Mexicans, or any- 
thing else. Having failed to procure such control by less hazardous 
and expensive means, it has definitely reached the conclusion that 
nothing short of military occupation will do the trick. Wall Street 
wants an army in Mexico now, as soon as the thing can be arranged. 
. . . Can Wall Street send an army to Mexico? ... Is Wall Street 
the commander-in-chief of the amy of the United States ? . . . 

166 



COSTLY STOCK-INCREASES 



(Reconstruction, June, 1919.) 

In one year, from 1906 to 1907, the total capitalization (stocks, 
bonds and notes) of the American railroad system was increased by 
$1,500,000,000; in two years by more than $2,000,000,000. From 1906 
to 1912 the increase in this capitalization was $5,000,000,000. . . '. 



(Union Record, June 11, 1919.) 

Rabbi Jonah R. Wise, one of Portland's most highly respected 
ministers, ... in an address before the Pacific Coast Admen's As- 
sociation In Portland, Oregon, . . . Rabbi Wise declared 

that the Seattle strike had been grossly misrepresented by the news- 
papers, which had made no attempt to tell the truth in connection 
with the situation. 

Rabbi Wise is one of the few broad minded men in the country 
who has taken the pains to investigate and get first hand infor- 
mation in regard to the Seattle general strike. He knew what he was 
talking about when he criticized the newspapers for their wilful 
misrepresentations concerning the event 

. . . Therefore we may hope that in time the world at large 
will have a better understanding as to why workingmen struck to 
obtain a living wage. . . . 



(The Oregonian, May 18, 1912.) 

. . . Mrs. Force-Astor receives by will the revenue from $5- 
000,000 more, so that the income will be perhaps $500,000 a year. 
The question what she has ever done to earn this rich reward from 
the producers of the world comes . . . into one's mind. That her 
yearly half million must be paid by the producers is of course un- 
deniable. If she should turn her securities into cash and lock up 
the proceeds in a safety vault, she would draw no income. The 
wealth. must be fertilized by the brains and muscles of actual work- 
ers before it can generate into more wealth. . . . 

Had Mrs. Force-Astor ever lifted one of her lilly fingers to 
create any fraction, no matter how small, of the wealth which she 
will now spend upon luxuries, we should not grumble. Our com- 
plaint is that she has done nothing to help on the work of the world. 
No thought, word or deed of hers has ever contributed a solitary 
penny to the vast hoard which she now owns 

167 



Is it right? When poor men ask questions of this sort, what 
answer can be made? Who dares to say that the distribution of 
the products of the world's work is equitable as between Mrs. Force- 
Astor and the Italian who dig's ditches in the street ? Who can blame 
the . public, if it finds fault with the social system which deprives 
it of a large part of the fruit of its labor to bestow it upon 
butterflies and drones? 



THE BEST YOU CAN PAY 



By Allen Benson. 
(Pearson's Magazine, March, 1914.) 

We can never pay our national debt. No big nation 

can pay its national debt. We can just go on and on paying in- 
terest. . . . We pay this constant increase every day in the 
added cost of everything we eat and wear. War makes the debt 
increase 

"The waste of all governments on war and the system of na- 
tional defense through war is worldwide. Through it and its re- 
lated agencies the taxes of the world are about double what they 
were in 1897." 

A few persons have profited — namely, statesmen, army and navy 
officers, and manufacturers of arms and ammunition 

We let capitalists tell us that it is immoral to repudiate fraud- 
ulent debts that capitalists have foisted upon us for their own en- 
richment. It is not immoral for a capitalist to repudiate an obli- 
gation that has been fraudulently placed upon him by another cap- 
italist 

Why should the common people of this world any longer permit 
such a class to tell them what is moral and what is not? . ! . 

How much could the Kaiser raise for war if his working peo- 
ple were talking noisily and rather carelessly about the repudiation 
of all war debts? Do you believe, if such were the talk, that the 
gentlemen who are already bleeding Germany out of the interest upon 
five billions which they have already lent — do you believe they would 
be willing to lend almost two billions more 

Don't forget: war cannot be fought without money .... what 
the working people of the world could do if they would repudiate 
the world's war debts, would end war forever 

War debts rob the world until the end of time? 

168 



THE MEXICAN REVOLUTIONISTS 



(Melting Pot, December, 1916.) 

Lincoln Steffens has been making a speaking tour, telling the 
story of the Mexican Revolution. For the past two years Mr. Steffens 
has spent most of his time in Mexico, making a thorough investiga- 
tion of the cause and purpose of the peon's revolt. 

Mr. Steffens told of the exploitation of the working people of 
Mexico by the United States and other foreign plunderers; how their 
land, part of which was once owned in common, thus furnishing 
employment and a livelihood to those wishing to labor upon it, and 
making peonage impossible, had been, through legislative acts, taken 
away from them; how the longing for "land and liberty" was deep 
planted in the Mexicans' hearts; and that the revolutions of the past 
few years, including the present are working class revolts to throw off 
the yoke of economic despotism 

The State and Church — from both of which the Mexican peons 
have sorely suffered — have never furnished the common people any- 
thing but slavery and superstition. 

Mr. Steffens paid a tribute to the Mexican peons. He said they 
possessed more intelligence and manhood than the exploited work- 
ers of the United States. They are ready to die rather than be 
the slaves of plutocracy. They are throwing off the chains of 
priests and plunderers. If left alone, they will work out their owi« 
salvation, and Mexico will become a land of economic freedom. . . . 

The President of the United States is in favor of letting the 
14,000,000 people in Mexico who have not had an opportunity to 
do so, fight out their independence the way we fought ours. When- 
ever you hear anybody say they cannot understand the President's 
Mexican policy, tell them to go and read the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and the Golden Rule. 

Secretary Baker, to his credit be it said, told the truth concern- 
ing the revolution in Mexico, to which may be added that the Mex- 
ican revolutionists would never have attacked or molested United 
States soldiers or citizens if certain big business interests in this 
country, exploiters of Mexico, were not standing in with the pre- 
datory and priestly classes of Mexico against whom the robbed and 
outraged peons are waging a war in the name of liberty 

169 



The Fight For Freedom. 

This nation is not free. It never was. A condition of "life, 
liberty and the pursiut of happiness," so far as the masses are con- 
cerned, does not and never did exist in any civilized country. No 
man or woman can "pursue" very much "happiness" in this world 
who is not economically free — who has not the free and equal op- 
portunity to produce the things he needs, and the free and equal 
opportunity to own and use them 

And yet when we look into the past and the present conditions 
of many other countries, we realize the mighty work for freedom 
done by the fathers of the revolution. They broke the chains of 
political and religious bondage 

All these attacks of recent years against free speech, a free 
press, and the free actions of the individual, have been made under 
the guise of "morality." 



(Detroit Journal, March 12, 1917.) 

Alma Gluck declares war is never justified 

"Shoot your sons dead, American mothers, before you allow them 
to enlist for war." 

Such is the advice of Alma Gluck, grand opera star. . . . 

"If every woman would pledge herself to kill her sons before 
she let them go to war, there would be no war." she continued. 



(The World For the Workers) 

. . . Soldiers, Sailors, all Workers, Unite and "Together We Win" 
the world for the Workers and no mere political, flowery phrases 
will serve to stop us in our majestic march towards Democracy, real 
Industiial Democracy. . . . 



WOMAN AND THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION 



By Mary E. Tichenor. 
(Melting Pot, July, 1919.) 
. . . Woman has been all of these and more; as has been truly 
said, she has been "the slave of a slave." Capitalism degrades and 
outrages all humanity, but it doubly degrades and outrages woman. 
The actual buying and selling of women like cattle is prohibited by 
law these later days in all so-called civilized countries, but woman 
is baitered and sold just the same. In ancient Babylon women were 

170 



placed upon the auction block and sold to the highest bidder. Today 
we have no especially constructed auction block upon which women and 
the young girls, are placed, and around which gather a company 
of men, their lustful eyes eagerly appraising the charms of the vic- 
tims offeied for the pleasure and licentious desire of these proto- 
types of their ancient forbearers; but the auction block still exists 
these modern days, in the factories and stores where they are given 
only enough wages to barely exist; it exists on the streets and in 
the houses of prostitution where they are compelled to sell their 
bodies; it exists wherever women sell themselves for a little more 
of the enjoyments of life which are dangled before their eyes; it 
exists where a woman marries for a home, or a gaudy title appended 
to a blue-blooded degenerate, or when she marries a money-bag. . . . 
... It is only a hypocrite that can uphold the capitalist system 
in the name of religion. Nobody can have much respect for his own 
mother that can witness the degradation that capitalism inflicts on 
the mothers of the toilers, and not revolt at the system of robbing 
the workers of the wealth they produce, that is responsible for it. . . . 



(Melting Pot, July, 1919.) 
By A. M. Rovin. 

... It matters not whether the war lords of industry are direct- 
ing their strategic boards of profiteering from England, Germany, 
France or America. They are arrayed against each other for the 
command of the markets to dispose of the surplus wealth, but in 
the warfare against the producers of this wealth. . . . 



(Melting Pot, July, 1919.) 



. . . The National Executive Committee at its session in Chicago, 
May 24 to May 30th, expelled the state organization of the Socialist 
Pajty in Michigan constituting nearly 6,000 members, without a 
trial 



(Melting Pot, September, 1919.) 

. . . 6,000,000 children are starving in America, the land of 
"equal opportunity" and "justice for all." 

. . . Can you imagine the misery of those 6,000,000 babies who 
slowly starve to death? 

. . . What cares the capitalist class if the fathers, mothers, sis- 
ters and brothers of these children are ground in the mills, mines, 

171 



and factories so long as they are raking in huge "profits" and their 
coffers are daily growing fuller? The lovers of humanity, the lovers 
of these 6,000,000 children can be persecuted, jailed, and deported, 
but the cruel capitalist system of exploitation will go on until the 
workers awaken from their long sleep. 

. . . You feel the ache of that mother heart! Awaken, open 
your eyes and hear the message that the lovers of humanity bring. 
It is the message of peace and plenty for the oppressed of earth; 
and it shall bring you "rescue and deliverance." 



THIS EXPLANATION IN REGARD TO THE SIX- 
HOUR DAY WILL OUTLINE IN THE ROUGH 
THE NATURE OF THE WORK IN 
WHICH THIS BUREAU OF IN- 
FORMATION IS ENGAGED. 



By Frank Bonville. 

We are going to do all in our power to give a concrete demons- 
tration by encouraging donations to enterprises which will illustrate 
our policies. 

We hold that everything the worker produces outside of the 
expense of administration should be divided pro rata among the 
workers, and no one is entitled to anything for which he does not 
work, and that is the propaganda that we are going to scatter to 
the four comers of the world. 

A concrete demonstration can be given that twenty thousand 
dollars will start a restaurant which will employ fifty or sixty men, 
pay the regular union scale and work those men six-hour shifts, and 
that in many cases there will still be a big profit to divide among 
the workers at the end of the year. The Ninety-Nine Year Contract 
will outline the management of propositions handled under this sys- 
tem. 

Following are a few quotations which speak for themselves: 

"The earnings of the United States Steel Corporation for three 
months ending September 30, 1919, were over forty million dollars. 
There are firms in the United States that makes as high as a million 
dollars a week profit. We have individuals whose income is over 
twenty-eight thousand dollars a day. Congressman William J. 

172 



Graham, Chairman of the Congressional sub-committee, charged with 
the investigation of army ordnance contracts states that the com- 
mittee is satisfied that the government was robbed of from $13,000,- 
000 to $15,000,000 on a $40,000,000 contract." 

Union Record, July 11, 1919: "Owning vs. Working. More than 
three-quarters of the income of the 'rich' in the United States is in 
the form of rent, interest and profits." 

"The American people are paying on an average of about 70 r fi 
on $31,000,000,000 of watered stock annually. The farmers of the 
United States receive about $9,000,000,000 out of $27,000,000,000 
which the consumer has to pay. Where does the other $18,000,000,000 
go to each year? The most of it goes to the middle-man who is 
juggling between the consumer and the producer." 

"In a document issued by the Government in 1915 is was stated 
that the very least a family of five persons could live upon in any- 
thing approaching decency was $700.00 a year, yet it was found 
that the incomes of sixty-four per cent of such families were less 
than $700.00 per year, while thirty-one per cent were less than 
$500.00 a year. Continuing, it stated that in six of our largest 
cities from twelve to thirty per cent of the children were 
noticeably underfed; that only one-third of the children in our pub- 
lic schools complete the grammar school course and less than ten 
per cent finish high school, those who leave being almost entirely 
the children of the workers, who, as soon as they reach working 
age, are thrown immature, ill-trained and with no practical knowl- 
edge into the complexities of industrial life. 

"Then going on, it told of the havoc wrought among the work- 
ers through unemployment; the struggle to secure protective legis- 
lation, with capitalists fighting every inch of the road to prevent 
the enactment of child labor laws, laws prohibiting night work for 
women, etc — only to find such benevolent measures as did finally 
become laws largely nullified by unwarranted court decisions. 

"Further, the Government documents called attention to the 
alarming growth of tenancy on our agricultural lands, which, as you 
are fully aware, must, if this continues unhampered, give a relatively 
small group of non-producers a strangle hold upon us, and which 
to some degree we already feel. 

"The document further stated that the first cause of industrial 
unrest lay in the fact that the wealth of the country and the in- 
come which is produced through the toil of the workers is distri- 
buted without regard to any standard of justice, the day laborer get- 
ting less than enough to feed his family, while others who have done 

173 



nothing, live at ease. The figures given showed that the 'Rich' — two 
per cent of the nation's people — own sixty per cent of the wealth. 

"In 1914 sixty of our people had incomes of over a million 
dollars a year. In 1915 one hundred and twenty of our people had 
incomes of over a million dollars a year. In 1916 two hundred and six 
of our people had incomes of over a million dollars a year." 

McAdoo, former secretary of the treasury, says: 



New York, Nov. 7. — "Profits several times in excess of the 
entire capital invested came back to many coal operators in 1917. 

"The coal operators assert that I gave out confidential in- 
formation when I stated that profits of the mine owners in 1917 
ranged from 15 to 2,000 per cent on capital stock before deduc- 
tion of taxes. 

"This was not confidential information. The treasury de- 
partment may publish statistical matter of this character any 
time. In fact, information concerning this very subject was 
furnished by me to the United States senate in response to a 
resolution introduced by Senator Borah, concerning profiteering, 
and was published July 5, 1918. (See Senate Document 259 — 
Sixty-fifth Congress — Second Session.) 

"In this report the returns of several hundred coal com- 
panies showed profits ranging from 15 to 800 per cent on their 
invested capital in 1917. The range of profits was higher on 
capital stock. In short many operators got back their entire 
invested capital several times out of their profits in 1917 as 
shown by the reports and must now be on velvet." 

We could give our readers a book full of similar facts to show 
that men working six hours instead of eight would then produce 
over twice as much as they could repurchase or consume. We could 
take as an example the small business that is owned by a man or 
two in many cases who employ less than twenty people, and who 
make a profit of from twelve to fifteen thousand dollars a year. 
This proves that there would still be an enormous profit left to the 
individual even after paying his men the same w r ages for six hours 
as he has been paying for eight. Every time we work an eight hour 
day instead of a six-hour day, we deprive our brother worker of two 
hours' work, and that is why to-day thousands are out of work — 
simply because the working man is taking it away from them 2nd 
giving it to the capitalist. 

174 



With all due respect to the ballot box, we cannot expect much 
through voting as long as 609? of the wealth of this country is in 
the hands of 29r of the people. In other words, the capitalist has 
absolute control. Until control is equalized, about the only thing 
we can resort to is our economic power at the point of production 
and cutting off these hours on the job means to work six hours) 
— and then quit. This is direct action that can be used without 
violence or without interfering with our present form of Government. 
This is how the eight-hour day, I understand, was brought about by 
the Lumber Workers on the Pacific Coast, and by Henry Ford in 
the Ford Plant — direct action on the part of Mr. Ford and on the 
part of workers on the Pacific Coast. We must always bear in mind 
that an injury to one worker is an injury to all, and that the working- 
class in general, referring to the producer, has absolutely nothing 
in common with the average capitalist. 

LET US BE MEN! WORK SIX HOURS AND THEN QUIT! 
And give the other two hours' work to some man whose family is 
in need of his earnings. 

It will be our policy to induce men with means to make dona- 
tions to enable the working men to own and control the tools 
of production instead of to colleges, libraries, art galleries, mis- 
sionary societies, churches, etc., which no doubt are doing a good 
work, or at least the majority engaged in that work are sincere. 
The pity of it is that a large percentage have only seen one side 
of the question, and it seems they are not familiar with a saying 
of one of the most prominent men in history, Abraham Lincoln. 
"One, in order to be fair to himself, must investigate both sides." 
We contend that during the present crisis a greater and more per- 
manent good can be accomplished by making such donations to the 
working class, because we have absolute confidence that there is 
plenty of executive ability among the workers to manage their own 
business, and after all, capital is the surplus of labor. Let us not 
deceive ourselves. We need capital but not capitalists. It is well 
to bear in mind that money should only be used as a medium of 
exchange. 

There have been hundreds of millions donated to so-called 
"charity," which if they had been given to causes such as we pro- 
pose to donate to, the workers would already have a wonderful hold 
on the tools of production; but whether it comes through donation 
or purchase, taxation, or confiscation, it is only a matter of time 
before the workers will own and control the tools of production. 
Those who don't agree with us had better prepare to meet the 
change with a smile, because it is now at hand. 

175 



We are following the system that Henry Ford uses in advertising. 
In 1916 he gave back to the people $15,000,000.00. The understanding, 
was that if he sold 300,000 machines during the year, he would return 
$50.00 to each purchaser, which he did. This Bureau of Information 
will spend a great deal of time in the future to show who profits by 
the three billion dollars spent annually in the United States for ad- 
vertising, and also who profits by the hundreds of millions of dollars 
which are given to causes which for the time being make a per- 
centage of the people believe that it will help them, but which do 
not bring results, because invariably those schemes are engineered 
by the big interests. 

In my opinion, the so-called "Charity" of to-day, the "advertis- 
-ing" to which I refer, new parties being formed, "higher wages" or 
"profit sharing" are some of the principal ways of keeping the pub- 
lic in the dark. "Profit Sharing" has been put into practice by a 
great many firms with good intentions but it fails to bring about 
the desired result. 

THE 99-YEAR CONTRACT WHICH WILL BE IN EFFECT BE- 
TWEEN THE DONATOR AND THE WORKER can be secured from 
the BUREAU OF INFORMATION, at the address given below (Box 
432, Seattle, Washington). We are giving a brief outline of the 
few provisions which will comprise this contract. 

First — In hiring men there shall be no discriminations as to 
race, color, creed or nationality. 

Second — That there will be no credit accepted or given. 

Third — That only members of unions shall be employed. 

Fourth — That the Union scale shall be paid. 

Fifth — That shifts shall be no longer than six hours, no split 
shifts, nor shall anyone be allowed to work overtime for wages; that 
it must be done gratis in case of emergency. 

Sixth — That the same prices asked elsewhere for the same goods 
shall prevail. 

Seventh — The workers must hold meetings at least every three 
months. 

Eighth — Everybody in an establishment of that kind has one vote. 
For instance, in a restaurant, the dishwashers' votes count the same 
as the managers' and no voting by proxy is allowed. The majority 
of the workers have absolute control, (excepting the provisions out- 
lined in the 99-year Contract) the management being handled abso- 

176 



lutely by the majority of the workers. The majority are empowered 
to discharge the minority or make any changes that they believe 
advantageous. 

The minute one is discharged by the wishes of the majority or 
quits of his own accord, his interest ceases at once, and his suc- 
cessor becomes a partner, so far as getting the surplus of his labor 
is concerned. In case of one's death, this would also terminate the 
partnership and his share in the business or profits therein cannot 
be willed to his heirs or assigns. 

Ninth — The profits of surplus labor, if any, must be divided at 
least every three months after paying the Union Scale and working 
six-hour shifts. It is left to the management to use its own judg- 
ment in regard to holding a reasonable reserve. 

Tenth — The workers have a right to go so far as to invest the 
money they receive from the proposition donated to them in any 
other enterprise they believe advisable, providing it is in the same 
line of business and in the same city or state in w T hich the dona- 
tion was made. 

Under this system every man owns his own job, the surplus of 
labor, to the extent possible under the existing conditions. 
This contract is a program to follow regardless of how the work- 
ers in mill, restaurant, factory, gold-mine or industry of any kind, 
have come into possession of the tools of production, and we be- 
lieve it a good one to follow, with the understanding that the work- 
ers will also have their auxiliary by-laws. 

We wish to call the attention of our readers to the following 
statement made by Daniel Webster: 

"There is nothing so powerful as the truth and 
often naught so strange." 

It is to the interest of all to read publications similiar to those 
listed below. Whether or not we fully agree with their various ar- 
ticles, the large majority of us have read what is called the "Cap- 
italistic Press" and for definite reasons it has failed to familiarize 
us with the truth. We agree with William Jennings Bryan, when 
he said, 

"No wrong could last for six months if the newspapers 
of the country told the truth." 

We feel safe in saying that this list of publications is in sym- 
pathy with the producing class and fighting the capitalistic system. 
We owe it to ourselves to not only read these magazines and papers, 

177 



but to encourage others to do the same, even going* to the extent 
of helping out financially the publications that need it. This can 
very often be done in the form of an investment. 

Most of the publications printed in the English language may 
be secured at Raymer's Old Book Store, Seattle, Washington, and 
most of those in foreign languages may be secured from 1001 Madi- 
son Street, Chicago, Illinois. 



The Textile Worker. 

The Crucible. 

The Socialist Standard. 

The Nonpartisan Leader. 

Birth Control Review. 

The O. B. U. Monthly. 

The Liberator. 

The Ford International Weekly. 

LaFollette's Magazine. 

Pearson's Magazine. 

The Dial. 

The Irish World. 

The Nation. 

The Commonwealth. 

Soviet Russia. 

The Weekly People. 

Reconstruction. 

Industrial Worker. 

The Daily Herald. 

Good Morning. 

Good Will. 

The Communist. 

The Socialist Review. 



The Truth Seeker. 
The New Solidarity. 
The World. 
The Rebel Worker. 
The Workers' International Indus- 
trial Union. 
The Gale's Magazine. 
The New Justice. 
The Melting Pot. 
The Forge. 

The British Columbia Federationist. 
Appeal to Reason. 
The Butte Daily Bulletin. 
The Eye Opener. 
The Messenger. 
The Columbia Sentinel. 
The Damn. 
The Public. 
The Worker. 
The New York Call. 
The One Big Union Bulletin. 
The Union Record. 



Foreign Magazines. 



Trudovaja Misl. 

Probuda. 

Der Klassenkampf. 

Glas Radnika. 

Golos Truzenka. 

Nya Varlden. 

Solidarnosz. 

Ahjo. 

The Metal Trade Worker, 
published in the interest of the 
O'Hanrahan News Agency, 201 



II Nuovo Proletario. 

Proletaras. 

Industrialisti. 

La Nueva Solidaridad. 

A Felszabadulas. 

Der Industrialer Arbeiter. 

Tie Vapauteen. 

as well as many other publications 
working class, can be secured from 
Occidental, Seattle, Washington. 



178 



If you have trouble in securing literature in foreign languages 
published in the interest of working people, we would advise you to 
communicate with the Eckhart News Agency, Northeast coiner First 
and Washington Streets, Seattle, Washington. 

Regarding WAR WITH MEXICO, if you are not in favor of it, 
subscribe for "GALE'S," the only RADICAL MAGAZINE PUB- 
LISHED IN MEXICO. It is fighting the INTERVENTION PLOT. 
Gale impresses the truth strongly upon the minds of the public. The 
subscription price is $2.00 a year. ADDRESS: "GALE'S," BOX 
518, MEXICO CITY, D. F., MEXICO. 

The following is copied from the FORD INTERNATIONAL 
WEEKLY of July 5, 1919: 

"The Capitalist . . . can do more than any other man. . . The 
trouble with him is selfishness and ignorance — mainly his ignorance. 
He seems to know nothing of the history of feudalism and the French 
Revolution. He seems never to have studied the cause of the pres- 
ent state in Russia. He seems to be ignorant of the fact that the 
unsettled condition of affairs in this country to-day are in the main 
due to the over-reaching of his class in the last two or three gener- 
ations. He seems unable to grasp the fact that he is in the minor- 
ity, and that the majority are moving on into a new social, political 
and industrial order. . . . The labor problem will never be solved 
by a soldier with a gun. . . . The time has come when we must 
stop and face, and solve the labor problem where w r e are, with every- 
body present. ... I have no program to offer, but I can see some 
things which, it seems to me, should be done, and done at once . . . 
for the common use of all men. . . . 

".. . Another thing we should look into is the length of the 
working day. . . I think that eight hours is even longer than is 
necessary. I cannot see why the employer should rob the employes 
of the major portion of the benefit arising from the introduction 
of machinery. I cannot see why, if a machine can do the work of 
ten or twenty men, a man should be compelled to work at that ma- 
chine as many hours as he did formerly when his output was one- 
tenth or one-twentieth as much. . . . 

". . . As for wages — nothing can be solved by wages. A high 
minimum wage will do no good. If other conditions were to remain 
unchanged, a minimum wage of twenty dollars a day would be of 
benefit to the working classes for no longer period than it would take 
the landlords to raise the rent and the middlemen in food distribu- 
tion to increase the prices of food. I think that employers of la- 

179 



bor must come to the realization that industry is not built up for 
the benefit of stockholders alone. . . . 

"... I think the time has come when men of wealth must rec- 
ognize that wealth is not a private possession. It never was and 
never can be. Wealth is the fruit of labor. It is only another form 
of labor, and it belongs to labor. . . . 

"It is time to quit our hypocritical piety in the form of "char- 
ity" and to begin to be just in our dealings with men." 



(Copy.) 

"Mr. Frank Bonville, 

"Seattle, Wash. 
"Dear Sir: 

"Please be advised that in response to your letter of 
September 8th, the Central Labor Council of Seattle and 
Vicinity, has concurred in your request for its moral support 
by endorsing your campaign for a Six-Hour Day. 

"With best wishes for success, I am, 

"Yours truly, 

(Seal.) (Signed.) "JAMES A. DUNCAN, Secretary." 

(We are reprinting this letter to show that nearly 70,000 work- 
ers in Seattle and vicinity have endorsed the Six-Hour Day Campaign 
as conducted by the Bureau of Information.) 

Below are a few of the many sayings of Mr. Henry Ford, which 
were gathered by us since about 1913. We now have these clippings 
and the names of the papers or magizines in which they appeared, 
together with the dates, on file at the office of the Bureau of In- 
formation : 



"... I see no use in spending time about heaven and hell 

We want to take care of to-day. . . . Charity takes more than it 
gives. . . ." 

"The difference between us and a capitalist is that I earn my 
living honestly. I produce. A capitalist loans out his money, col- 
lects his interest and lets the others do the work." 

"... I will devote life and fortune to combating the spirit of 
militarism. I would teach the child at the mother's knee what a hor- 

180 



rible thing war is . . . that preparation for war can only end in 
war. . . War is murder. . . . Millions of men are . . . driven to 
slaughter by the system of murder . . . training of men to kill other 
men ... I believe that . . . men who devote their lives to the trade 
of a soldier are either lazy or crazy . . . The man who works will 
forever put an end to the system that . . . tears him away from 
his . . . family against his will . . . The worker is going to end 
the conditions that allow . . . that murderous order to cause him to 
seek the life of a brother worker in another land . . ." 

"... I found out who wanted war . . . and I am going to tell 
the people about them ... I am not going to stop until I have ten 
million subscriptions to my weekly magazine." 

"Why fear change? . . . No one will be hurt in the good 
changes . . . even the idle nobleman . . . Get the gambling aristo- 
crats and the capitalists to work. . . Unless we in our industries 
are helping to solve the social problems, we are not doing our prin- 
cipal work . . ." 



And again we quote: 

"This country . . . belongs to the people. Whenever they shall 
grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their con- 
stitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary right to dis- 
member or overthrow it." — President Lincoln. 



"We have come to be one of the worst ruled governments in the 
civilized world . . . No longer a government by conviction and the 
vote of the majority . . ." — President Wilson. 



". . . The Working Class should not trust their interest to any 
political party or politician. . . Use organized power to get back 
the land, the forests, the minerals and water power franchises which 
were stolen from the people by fraud, force or cunning." — Frank 
P. Walsh. 

We agree absolutely with Mr. Walsh, the Ex-Chairman of the 
Industrial Relations Commission, in his statement regarding thefts. 
We appreciate the hearty co-operation of our union men, the soap- 
box orators, Frank P. Walsh, Henry Ford, and men of their type 
who have the courage of their convictions and fearlessly speak the 
truth whether or not they are in the minority. 

181 



In order to prevent this appropriation of public property we 
must take a decisive stand for "Solidarity" and united in our ef- 
forts we will be able to suppress this practice. 

Another point I wish to emphasize is the fact that the working 
people are only deceiving themselves in their belief that they are 
being robbed through the high cost <of living and similiar propaganda 
given publicity through the capitalistic press. Wheie they are 
robbed is at the point of production — working more hours than neces- 
sary — producing more than they can repurchase. At the present time 
and under the present system a man's labor has become a commodity 
(the same as any other commodity) and is sold to the highest bid- 
der. If it were not for Unions today, there would be nothing to 
prevent the capitalist from working the people fourteen or sixteen 
hours a day, providing, in his judgment, it would leave the employes 
sufficient strength to perform the next day's work. 

The producer should do everything in his power to help and edu- 
cate his brother worker by establishing a six-hour day and support- 
ing the right kind of propaganda. This can be accomplished by sub- 
scribing for labor papers or any publication proclaiming the truth, 
or by helping to finance the same. This should be preferable to 
donating funds or investing in associations, where such funds or in- 
vestments be used as a weapon against him. 

Don't be unduly impressed by the various philosophies, "Isms," 
etc. in favor of capitalism. We should investigate to see that a 
doctrine is changed as well as its title. Always bear in mind that 
there are none greater than yourself if you only will it so. There 
may be individuals better known than others, but greatness is not 
a matter of popularity or notoriety. 

We are opposed to violence directly or indirectly, to destruction, 
or to anything that causes fear or creates caste, and that is why 
we are absolutely opposed to the capitalistic system — our fight is 
not with the individual but with the system. 

We want to call the attention of our readers to the fact that 
this Bureau of Information is what we might term a halfway house 
or distributing headquarters. Our business will, in the future, be 
to gather information from all sources and distribute same broadcast. 

ADDRESS ALL INQUIRIES TO BUREAU OF INFORMATION, 
POST OFFICE BOX 432, SEATTLE, WASHINGTON. 



182 



SAYINGS OF WELL-KNOWN MEN 



Money-power will prolong its reign by working upon the prejudice 
of the people — Abraham Lincoln. 



There is only one thing to ask concerning a man and his act. 
Was he on mv side? — Clarence Darrow. 



(Detroit Free Press, Jan. 22, 1917.) 

. . . Max Eastman . . . editor of the Masses said . . . "Do not 
hate Germany, or any other people. Hate militarism. And hate 
it the more where you have the best chance to do something against 
it. Hate it here. 'America first!' " 



(Appeal To Reason, Dec. 11, 1915.) 

By Jack London. 

... A good soldier . . . never . . . thinks ... If he is ordered 
to fire on his fellow citizens, on his friends, on his neighbors, on his 
relatives, he obeys without hesitation: If he is ordered to fire down 
a crowded street when the poor are clamoring for bread, he obeys . . . 



We should be working with all our might to put men above 
dollars.— W. S. U'Ren. 



(Ford Times, Dec. 1916. By Benjamin Franklin.) 
"The use of money is all the advantage there is in having it." 



. . . After a dollar is once deposited, it is made to work over 
and over again by the banks, until every dollar in the country is 
now loaned out eight times. — By A. W. Lafferty. 



"In all cases where their mind is not influenced by passion, 
mixed with prejudice or obscured by lack of information, the people 
may be depended upon to act with moderation and on the side of 
Peace." — From "The First Step of Preparedness," By Ernest Koraer. 

183 



(The Portland Oregonian, Jan. 14, 1916.) 

"We are still living in the feudal age," said C. E. S. Wood. 
. . . "Because we are misled by effects," he said, "we often fail to 
see the real cause of things. War is not caused by enmity between 
the peoples of nations, but because of commercial friction between 
the propertied 'master classes' which control the governments." 



"Mr. Radical . . . the time has come for you to take a stand. 
If you don't declare yourself, then don't tell me you are fighting 
for the emancipation of the worker." 

"I have seen more street meetings disrupted by drunks than by 
any other cause." . . . 

"Can you vote for the brewery and forget the hop-growers of 
California, who, backed by the . . . breweries, sent to prison for life 
Richard Ford and Herman Suhr, whose only crime was the asking 
for more sanitary surroundings?" . . . — I. D. Ransley. 

"What a man can't use is no good to him." — Eugene Debs. 

Let us analyze before we criticize . . . We cannot do justice to 
any topic unless we analyze both sides. . . . — W. H. Benson. 



(Ford Times, Nov. 1916.) 

"The proper function of government is to make it easy for the 
people to do good, and difficult for them to do evil." — By Wm. Ewart 

Gladstone. 

* ' * * 

(The New Freedom, Sept. 9, 1914.) 
By Rev. W. A. Ward. 
. . . How does it happen that kings and rich men sit high in your 
temples? . . . Such a system will have to change . . . None need 
labor more than four hours a day. . . . 

* * * 

. . . "Henry Ford did what he started out to do; he established 
a permanent Bureau of Peace at The Hague." — Grace DeGraff. 

* * * 

. . . WKen the laboring masses of the land understand . . . the 
Bonville contract system . . . every producer can become his own 
boss. . . . — By Alvin Porter. 

184 



Study our gambling game called business. — S. A. Cartt. 

Chanty fights justice. — Rex Lampman. 

* * * 

Work for the gods that give, rather than the gods that take. — 

Dana Sleeth. 

* * * 

(Seattle Star, July 18, 1919.) 
. . . "The American miners are after the six-hour day, . . . — 

Robert H. Harlan. 

* * * 

The producing class is bound to win out in time. — Dr. Karl Lieb- 

knecht. 

* * * 

(Ford Times, Jan. 1917.) 
"Doing is the great thing. For if, resolutely, people do what 
is right, in time they come to like doing it." — John Ruskin. 

* * * 

(Union Record, July 30, 1919.) 

Frank Turco . . . The race riots in the East were being care- 
fully fostered by the employing classes . . . 



Workers of the world awaken, break your chains, demand your 
right, all the wealth you make is taken by exploiting parasites. — 

Joe Hill. 

* * ♦ 

The beaten track is preferred by those afraid of the unknown. — 
Jocile Webb Pearson. 

* * * 

The great only seem to us great because we are on our knees. 
Let us arise. — Proudhon. 

* * * 

"The moment our capital is increased by having lent it, be it 
but the estimation of a hair, that hair breadth of interest is usury." 
— John Ruskin in Notes from History of Usury and Interest. 



'It's easier to build than to tear down." — Alexander Berkman. 



... I consider the Bonville System the greatest advance in the 
business world which has been made in recent years. When this 

185 



system becomes . . . understood by the . . . people they will demand 
its universal use . . . — R. L. Perry. 

* * * 

(Extract from "Ford Times," March, 1917.) 
. . . "All free governments, whatever their name, are in reality 
governments by public opinion; and it is on the quality of this public 
opinion that their prosperity depends." — James Russell Lowell. 



"When infinte Wisdom established the rule of right and honesty, 
He saw to it that justice should be always the highest expediency." 

—Wendell Phillips. 

# * * 

(Union Record, June 20, 1919.) 

. . . President Wilson in his book "The New Freedom," says: 
"The masters of the government of the United States are the com- 
bined capitalists and manufacturers of the United States." . . . 



DON'T FORGET THAT 



Popular approval of a custom or a law or an institution — or an 
idea — does not at all prove that the custom or law or institution or 
idea is just. Don't forget that. Forget a lot of other things — if you 
wish — but do not forget that. — Prof. George R. Kirkpatrick. 

"There is nothing so powerful as truth and often nothing so 
strange." — Daniel Webster. 

By Isaac McBride. 
"Tell America, for the sake of truth and justice, to give Russia 
a chance, to withdraw her troops at once." 

* * * 

(The Public, Nov. 29, 1919.) 
By John F. Moors. — Mexico is said to be capable of producing one- 
half of the oil supply of the world. . . . 

* * * 

"Let us, if possible, banish all fear from the mind." — Robert G. 

Ingersoll. 

* * * 

"Let us all be our own doctor." — W. Earl Flynn. 

186 



(Union Record, June 23, 1919.) 
Edwin J. Brown claims that two men are largely responsible 
for robbing the city of Seattle of at least $8,000,000 on the street- 
car purchase. 

* * * 

(Star, June 20, 1919.) 
. . . The Rev. William Ivens, leader of Winnipeg strikers, insists 

on the One Big Union. . . . 

* * * 

(Pearson's Magazine, October, 1919.) 

By Mr. Foumier d'Albe. 

. . . "The Bolsheviki have been in power twenty-one months and 
are stronger today than ever. . . . Lenine's . . . picture, usually ac- 
companied by that of Karl Marx, hangs everywhere . . . Lenine is 

regarded as in a class by himself." 

* * * 

The time is not far when we will all have to take one side or 
the other and quit hiding the truth with curtains of words. — J. O. 
Steams, Jr. 

* * * 

The chief work of capitalism is to try to fool the people. — W. 
F. Jobelman. 

* * * 

(Appeal To Reason, Nov. 27, 1918.) 

By Grace D. Brewer. 

. . . Woman hates war. She hates it because it steals away 
the darling son and father only to send them home mangled or dead. 
Woman is at last discovering that war and its advocates have been 
lj : ng to her these many ages. . . . 

* * * 

The first principle of "Capitalism" is to fool the people. — F. 
W. Jobelman. 

* * * 

I am glad to see the people getting away from fear. — H. C. Uthoff. 

* * * 

When war is done the land that was once his is often taken 
away from him. — Helen Kellar. 



(The Dearborn Independent, Nov. 29, 1919.) 
Aside from war losses, the population of France decreased nearly 
400,000 in 1919. 

187 



In 30 years there have been 3,224 lynchings in the United States, 
50 of the victims being colored women. 



(Detroit News, Jan. 31, 1917.) 
Prince and Pauper in Life. John Jacob Astor, Jr., can't possibly 
live on $20,000 a year . . . All he has when he is taken outdoors 
is a fur robe which cost when new, $580. He has outgrown his $185 
ermine robe. 



(Bay City Times-Tribune, Dec. 28, 1918.) 
... A Government report shows that during the last eight 
months there were 65,000,000 cigars . . . made, mostly by women 
and children working long hours for a mere pittance. . . . 



(Detroit Free Press, Sept. 1916.) 
Buffalo preacher discovers that moving pictures appeal more 
. . . to some people than do religious services. . . . The good 
brother isn't a bit fast or he would have caught up with this dis- 
covery some months back. 



(Grit, October 8, 1916.) 
. . . Every father and mother is every day confronted with a 
war tax of some kind or other which they summarize as "the high 
cost of living." 



(Union Record, June 12, 1919.) 
Wall Street wants the league of nations. 



(Portland News, Sept. 5, 1914.) 
. . . Who could think of American troops . . . shooting down 
disarmed . . . laboring people . . . trying to live . . . cold, hungry 
and suffering. ... It is done by American . . . property interests . . 



(Life.) 
A Government is an organization that can build warships, but 
not peace ships; 

That can ditsribute mail, but not express matter; 

That can run navy yards but not stock yards; 

That can build canals, but not railroads; 

That can give away valuable rights but never get them back; 

That can make profits for others but not for itself. 

188 



VANDERVEER, THE FIGHTING LAWYER, FACES BATTLE 
ALONE WITH UNSHAKEN NERVE 



By Frank Walkin. 
(Union Record, January 30, 1920.) 

Montesano, Jan. 30. — This town is witnessing one of the greatest 
endurance contests a small community ever had the opportunity of 
looking upon. Here is a race in which one man, singlehanded, pits 
himself against six others and the prize is the lives of 11 others. 

I have covered many murder trials, some of them of international 
prominence, and I have seen men wear each other down in the long 
battle that ensued; but never have I seen one man deliberately enter 
a contest knowing he must pit his legal wits against six others, 
until I saw George F. Vanderveer take up the case of the 11 men 
accused of the Armistice day murder at Centralia last November 11. 

Vanderveer is not a large man, but he is wiry and closely knit. 
He is the sort of man I should like to go tiger hunting with. He 
walks and works gracefully; he never hurries, although you recognize 
energy in every movement. He is the kind of man who would delib- 
erate until he had reached a decision and then go into action like 
a wild cat. . . . 



(Evening Telegram, May 3, 1910.) 
'It's not half so funny to be a trust magnate as it was a few 



years ago. 



(Portland News, Jan. 14, 1916.) 
. Hearst has 7,000,000 acres . . . himself ... in Mexico. . . 



(The Portland News, May 17, 1912.) 

. . . Part of the San Diego Chamber of Commerce and other 
bodies kidnap an editor, maltreat him, run him out of town and 
threaten him with death if he returns to his home. . . . 



(The Detroit Journal, March 9, 1917.) 

. . . 40,000 laboring men in Detroit . . . stand ready to oppose 
any plan for "preparedness" or war. This was made known . . . 
by Sec. Charles H. Lewis of the . . . Federation of Labor. 

189 



(Seattle Star, May 28, 1919.) 

George F. Vanderveer, chief counsel for James Bruce, I. W. W. 
organizer, on trial in . . . court on a charge of criminal anarchy, 
created a sensation . . . when he flatly asserted that the I. W. W. 
organization as a whole modelled its philosophy after the teachings 
of President Woodrow Wilson's book, "The New Freedom." 

Excerpts from the president's book were read to the jury as 
examples of radical thought over the strenuous objection of Deputy 
Prosecuting Attorney . . . 

. . . One of the striking excerpts from President Wilson's book, 
which Vanderveer contended was the philosophy of the I. W. W., 
was read to the jury as follows: "We have come to be one of the 
worst ruled, one of the most completely controlled and dominated 
governments in the civilized world — no longer a government by free 
opinion, no longer a government by conviction and the vote of the 
majority, but a government by the opinion and the duress of small 
groups of dominant men. 



(Seattle Union Record, June 7, 1918.) 

. . . The Bolsheviki have awakened the Russian people intellect- 
ually and have taught an enormous number to read and write. They 
have separated the state from the church. . . . 



(Oregon Journal, July 13, 1912.) 

War is the offspring of graft and grafters, and murder on a 
large scale. . . . 



(The News, Sept. 28, 1916.) 

. . . Between $15,000,000 and $40,000,000 were lost by investors 
. . . in . . . Wall Street . . . when steel trust stock made its record- 
breaking drop ... in one week . . . 



(The Electric Railway Service, April 13, 1917.) 

. . . Gold holdings of the United States treasury are $3,044,- 
309,202, the greatest in the world's history. 

More than 35,000 sick and wounded are cared for in Lyon, now 
known as the "hospital city of France." 

190 



It is estimated that there are over 250,000 girl stenographers 
and typists employed in the United States. 

Since the war began almost 1,000,000 horses and mules have 
been sent to the entente allies by American horsemen . . . 



(Portland Labor Press, Oct. 9, 1915.) 

. . . The Committee on Industrial Relations did its work and 
did it well and now is whore you and I come in. Its report must 
be circulated and it won't be unless you insist . . . You owe this 
to yourself and family and to the Labor movement as a whole. . . . 



(Morning Oregonian, Dec. 30, 1916.) 

. . . Mrs. F. Sheehy Skeffington, widow of the Irish editor and 
poet who was shot without trial in Dublin at the time of the recent 
uprising, announced today that she intended to place before the 
American people the story of her husband's death. . . . Mrs. Skef- 
fington would not say how she escaped from Ireland. . . . 



(The British Columbia Federationist, July 18, 1919.) 

. . . R. B. Smith, editor of a Labor daily, the Butte Bulletin, 
was convicted under the espionage act of sedition, and fined $4,500. 
His offense in reality consisted of an honest expression of opinion. 



(Vineland Independent, Nov. 16, 1916.) 

... If the general government gives money away to the bank- 
ers, why not to the farmer? . . . 

You are probably not aware of the fact that the new bank 
notes read thus: "National currency secured by United States bonds 
or other securities." These other securities take in anything that 
comes along, from a single horse cart up to a second-hand sewing 
machine; no one can tell what the securities of these notes are and 
we must accept them as our money. Must we people stand such 
abuses any longer? . . . 



(Union Record, November 24, 1919.) 

"Americanism means real service, justice to all; it is the broth- 
erhood of man. . . . Everyone who works has benefited by the efforts 

191 



of organized labor. Better conditions are never granted voluntar- 
ily by employers; they are always the result of organized efforts 
on the part of the workers . . . Abraham Lincoln was the only work- 
ing man president we ever had, and I think that it's about time we 
had another. Don't let them fool us any more; they've gone their 
limit." 



(The Public, November 22, 1919.) 

Figures just compiled by the General Federation of Labor of 
Italy show that that body has now passed the million-member mark. 

The Bolshevist regime in Russia was indorsed by the Utah State 
Federation of Labor at its fifteenth annual convention recently con- 
cluded in Salt Lake City. The delegates went on record by a vote 
of 49 to 13 in favoring the Soviet Government and demanded that 
American troops be withdrawn from Russian soil. 



(Butte Daily Bulletin, June 17, 1919.) 

... It is becoming painfully evident to the corrupt powers in 
Butte, and their tools, that there are some who can't be bluffed or 
"fixed." 



PEACE TREATY IS SIGNED 



(Federated Union Bulletin, June 28, 1919.) 

At last the Great World War in which thirty-three nations took 
a more or less active part has become history. . . . 

. . . Two thousand years of Christian teaching, thousands and 
thousands of Universities, millions of colleges and common schools 
have not as yet exerted a sufficient influence over the minds and 
hearts of mankind to induce them to use civilized means of settling 
disputes. 



(The Dearborn Independent, Sept. 20, 1919.) 

France lost 57 per cent of all men under 31 years of age, who 
served in the war; a total of 26 per cent of the mobilized force. 

192 



GOVERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE IMPOSSIBLE WHILE WALL 
STREET IS HOLDING THE REINS 



No President Can Serve People, Says West, When Credit is Con 
trolled by Private Interests. 



By George P. West. 
(Union Record, July 16, 1919.) 

. . . This is no longer the charge of a radical politician but just 
the plain fact, which everyone realizes and admits who thinks about 
it at all. Control of industry and trade is control of the nation. 
And this control does not lie in Washington. The lines over which 
it passes run from steel mills and mines and packing plants and oil 
refineries and textile mills into financial centers. . . . 

. . . They hold their power through their control of money. . . 



MAD FIGHT FOR BIRTH CONTROL BOOKS 



Men and Women Rush to Obtain Circulars at Emma Goldman's 
Outdoor Meeting in New York. 



(St. Paul Dispatch, May 22, 1916.) 
New York, May 20. — Babies were left crying in their go-carts, 
while mothers plunged into the crowd, determined to find out for 
themselves what Malthus said Miss Goldman 

"The time is coming when birth control methods will be ex- 
plained in every 5 and 10 cent store in the country." Miss Goldman 
told the police to mind their own business and they did. 



(Oregon Journal, January 29, 1916.) 
Now, we come to the last ... of the looting of the New Haven 

Railroad to the tune of TWO HUNDRED MILLION DOLLARS— 

stolen by those in CONTROL from the stockholders of the company. 

The following is a reply to the above news item by F. W. Jobelman. 
"Is it possible for the ordinary intellect to grasp the meaning 

of a $200,000,000 steal? 

193 



'These aie the creatures who finance the Industrial Welfare 
Commissions to find the lowest possible cost of living. KILL 
FOUR WORKINGMEN EVERY HOUR IN THE DAY on the rail- 
roads, in their mills, mines and factories because they are too cold- 
bloodedly grasping to incur the expense of proper safety devices, 
and then stand on the white marble steps of a million-dollar cathe- 
dral and thank God that thev are not like other men. 



tland News, August 31, 1910.; 

Small aims and bullets are playing no role in the 

t war. The rifle is the infantryman's toy Seven- 
eights of the wounds are from shells The shell that the 

Russians most fear is the Skoda gun, 42 centimeter projectile weighing 

2,800 pounds. They are known to the soldiers as "Pilseners." 

The normal trajectory of '.he Skoda gun is 4Va miles high and in 

soft ground the shells penetrate 20 feet before exploding 

oing the effect of a "Pilsener" shell the surgeon said: "It 
kills everyone within 150 yards and kills others who are farther 

off short distance away are torn asunder. 

Sometimes only the clothes are stripped off. Of men close by, not 
a fragment remains, the clothes disappear and only small metal ar- 
ticles are found 



THE AGE OF REASON 

By '\<>u\ Paine. 



... I believe in ity of man; and 1 believe that religious 

nstice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make 

our fello ... . . . 

... J do not mean by thii on to condemn those who 

■,< < i other? < they have the same right to their belief as I 

Jesus Christ wrote no account of himself, 

■, < b "' parentage oi anything else; nol a line of what is called 

at i of Id's own writing. The history of him is 

tl < woi v of othei people. . . 



1 1:.-. r City Tfm< Trib me i" < < mbei 28, L016.) 

. . . 'n,r larg< t ingle day'i Importation of gold Into thii coun- 
ecorded today writh the depo 11 oi $38,000,000 by .). P. 
Morgan A Co, in New fork. . . . 

I'M 



(The Post-Intelligencer, June 16, 1919.) 

... A. Vandcrlip resigned from the presidency of that in- 
stitution. The bank, it is said, has sustained no commercial losses 
of any significance. 

It was that Economic Club speech of May 26th, with its pictures 
of European conditions, that brought final disagreement between Mr. 
Vanderlip and the powers that be at the bank. 

Such a speech as Mr. Vanderlip delivered did not please that 
bank's directors and once more they felt embarrassed because of 
Mr. Vanderlip's frank utterances. How could the National City 
Company, one of the great bond distributing organizations of the 
country, expect to sell securities if the world w r as as sick as Mr. 
Vanderlip said it was? . . . 



(Michigan Socialist, March 9, 1817.) 
. . . Representative Galloway charged on the floor of the House 
that twenty-five of the leading papers in the United States have 
been "bought and paid for" by Morgan & Co., to create a public 
sentiment in favor of war 



By Tom L. Johnson, Mayor of Cleveland, Ohio, and famous for 
his fight for three-cent car fare. 
From "My Story." 

"One of the first things I did, and it makes me smile to recall 
it, was to purchase several hundred copies of Mr. George's new 
book 'Protection or Free Trade,' and sent one to every minister 
and lawyer in Cleveland. 

Why do converts to social ideals always select these most unlikely 
of all professions in the world as objects for conversion in their 
campaigns in behalf of new ideas ? 

I did not yet discover that it is "the unlearned who are ever 
the first to seize and comprehend through the heart's logic the 
most unusual and daring truths." 



(The Oregon Journal, February 14, 1912.) 
. . . James J. Hill testified before the Stanley House Committee 
that ore lands in the Superior region had been bought by him for 
$4,000,000, and later transferred to stockholders of his railroad, 
and that they are now worth more than $500,000,000. 

195 



WHAT DID YOU DO? 



Did you give him a lift? He's a brother of man, 
And bearing- about all the burden he can. 
Did you give him a smile? He was downcast and blue, 

And the smile would have helped him to battle it through. 

Did you give him your hand? He was slipping down hill, 
And the world, so I fancied, was using him ill. 

Did you give him a word ? Did you show him the road, 
Or did you just let him go on with his load? 

Did you help him along? He's a sinner like you, 

But the grasp of your hand might have carried him through. 

Did you bid him good cheer? Just a word and a smile 
Were what he most needed that last weary mile. 

Did you know what he bore in the burden of cares, 

That is every man's load and that sympathy shares ? 

Did you try to find out what he needed from you, 
Or did you just leave him to battle it through ? 

— From the Yeoman. 



(Union Record, July 26, 1919.) 

. . . Orders for the release of W. D. Haywood, I. W. W. leader, 
from Fort Leavenworth Prison were issued. ... A total of $53,400 
worth of property and liberty bonds were scheduled to cover his 
bonds of $15,000. Twenty-seven thousand five hundred dollars were 
furnished by William B. Lloyd, millionaire Chicago Socialist. 



(Oregonian, November 24, 1916.) 

Lena Kebl .... asked a policeman to direct her to 

the office of the North-German Lloyd Steamship Company. She said 
she wants to return to Germany and live on her savings 

.Miss Kebl explained that for the 17 years she has been in 
this country she had lived with a family in Indianapolis who paid 
her $2 a month and kept all the reading matter from her. She 
saved $402. 

196 



JACK LONDON'S FUNERAL IN LINE WITH WRITINGS 



(Detroit News, November 25, 1916.) 

Oakland, Cal., Nov. 25. — The funeral of Jack London was held 
here today without religious services of any kind. Only immediate 
relatives of the family attended. The body was cremated. The ashes 
in accordance with his wish, will be scattered over his Glen 
Ellen ranch. 



(Reconstruction, July, 1919.) 

. . . "If it is all right for a union composed of 1,000 men to 
strike, why should not a union of 100,000 or 1,000,000 men strike?" . . . 



(Saturday Evening Post, July 5, 1919.) 

. . . We have in the United States between a third and a half 
of all the wealth of the world. We possess more than a third of 
all the gold; the banks have on deposit more than fifteen billion dol- 
lars in money; the circulation per capita is $56; our production from 
the ground is about twenty billion dollars annually 



(The Forge, June 7, 1919.) 

Whoever produces anything by weary labor, does not need a 
revelation from heaven to teach him that he has a right to the 
thing produced. — Robert G. Ingersoll. 



LINCOLN'S GETTYSBURG ADDRESS 

"Four-score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon 
this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal * * * that we 
here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — 
that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, 
and that government of the people, by the people, and for the peo- 
ple, shall not perish from the earth." — First and last sentences of 
President Lincoln's address at the National Cemetery at Gettyburg, 
delivered November 19, 1863. 

197 



(Union Record, June 12, 1919.) 

. . . Borah's charge weak. The League's friends today said the 
leak inquiry showed clearly that Borah's charge that New York in- 
terests having a "Peculiar interest" in the Peace Treaty had ob- 
tained it were groundless and that the bringing of the text to this 
country by H. P. Davison, partner of J. P. Morgan and head of 
the International Red Cross was entirely proper 



(Union Record, January 24, 1920.) 

"Every boat leaving Atlantic ports is loaded with labor. Nearly 
two million have already gone, and a million more anxious to go, 
to Europe. . . . 

"Eastern Employers are loosening up. They are running dis- 
play ads 

"The New York World is carrying 'Help Wanted' classified ads 
at the rate of two million a year. The Chicago News is running in 
its week-day editions five solid pages of jobs offered. And so it 
is in Detroit, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Boston and Buffalo. 

" 'The East is busy.' It has no surplus labor to send us to 
break down conditions. 

"And the P.-I. chafes. 'Seattle must stop its nonsense and get 
down to business.' 'Time and money have been wasted.' 

. . . "Indications are that the strikers will not need for long, 
but the Union Record needs facilities for producing a hundred thou- 
sand papers in Seattle, and a quarter million for the state by fall." 



LEN1NE AND CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTORS 



(Pearson's Magazine, January, 1920.) 
"It cannot be denied that Lenine and Trotzky have used force 
to establish the Soviet Government in Russia. The sanction of every 
government is force as well in Russia as in England or in Amer- 
ica. I believe it will be found when the truth comes to be known 
that Lenine has used only the minimum of force necessary and has 
not acted invidiously against either the bourgeoisie or the nobles." 



FRANK HARRIS ON EUGENE V. DEBS 



"I have put on record more than once what I think of Eugene 
Debs. Before I knew him he interested me more than any liv- 

198 



ing American; the humanity in him was so profound, the sympathy 
with the suffering and oppressed so sincere, the kindliness even to 
tyrants and exploiters so lovable, that I hesitated to characterize 
him till I knew him; but since I've got to know him I have always 
thought of him in my own mind as the Beloved Disciple, as the man 
who has more of the spirit of Jesus in him than any man I have 
ever met. . . ." 



SWEDISH BLOOD THAT HELPED TO BUILD US 



"George Washington claimed himself to be of Swedish blood. 

"John Hanson was the first congressional president of the United 
States. 

"John Ericsson's Monitor saved the day. 

"The vote of John Morton decided the fate of our struggle for 
freedom and independence. 

". . . At a dinner given by the Societies Scandinaviensis in Phil- 
adelphia, December 11, 1782, in the honor of the Swedes, Count Axel 
von Fersen and Count Sprengporten, who fought gallantly in the 
War of the Revolution and who received the order of the Cincinnati 
for their services, Washington, according to the archives of society, 
'expressed his pleasure at being present among the people of his 
forefathers' blood.' Geneologists claim descent for him from a family 
which emigrated from Skane (Sweden) in about the year A. D. 
970, and settled in Durham County, England, where they built a 
small town, calling it Wassin-gatun (town of Wassings). 

. . . "It is said of John Hanson, (see congressional proceedings 
upon the reception and acceptance from the state of Maryland of 
the statue of John Hanson, 1903) that he saved the great northwest 
territory to the United States by keeping Maryland out of the feder- 
ation until the other states had consented to claim the land for 
the benefit of posterity and immigrants in such manner that it should 
be added as independent states to the federation. 

"He was the fourth descendant in direct line of Colonel John 
Hanson, who with his great chief, King Gustave Adolphus, died 
at Lutzen in the great battle of protest against the paganizing of 
Christianity, and the third in the male line of John Hanson, one of 
the first Swedish settlers on the banks of the Delaware. 

..."... John Morton cast the deciding vote among the five 
members — which vote pledged his state to freedom. . . ." 

199 



THE FORD IDEA IN EDUCATION 



A Talk to the National Educational Association in the Arcadia 
Auditorium, Detroit. 



By Samuel S. Marquis. 

The impression has somehow gotten abroad that Henry Ford 
is in the automobile business. It isn't true. 

Mr. Ford's business is the making of men, and he manufactures 
automobiles on the side to defray the expenses of the main business. 



I give nothing for which I do not receive compensation. Char 
ity takes more than it gives. . 



Take away the capitalist and you sweep war from the earth. 



(Dearborn Independent, Dec. 6, 1919.) 

The first steamboat in Scottish waters was built by Patrick 
Miller, in 1788, and Robert Burns was one of its first passengers. 

Rag-pickers in New York are paid $33 a week. School-teachers 
draw $20. 

The coal is in the ground. The government is in power at Wash- 
ington. The rest ought to be easy. 



(Detroit Journal, Feb. 6, 1917.) 

. . . Henry Ford said . . . "It is my firm conviction that war 
would seldom occur if individuals did not make money out of war 
. . . What I fear at this juncture is the machinations of those 
roaring lions, who really are the tools of the interests which make 
money out of war. If the Germans do not sink one of our ships 
without warning, I fear that one will be sunk anyway, by agents 
of the influences which do not desire peace ... It made me feel 
that influence — powerful, but hidden — was at work to draw us into 
the war. . . ." 

200 



(Detroit News, Dec. 22, 1916.) 

. . . Ford has filled his pockets without dirtying his hands. He 
leaves no ruined men behind him. He has built without ... a foul 
blow. . . . 



(The Public, Oct. 22, 1915.) 



. . . Henry Ford says, If I were to live with the future genera- 
tions of Europe I would urge the people to repudiate the debts that 
are being piled up by their governments in this war. I believe it 
is the duty of the people to repudiate them. . . . 



(Pearson's Magazine, 1914.) 



"The rule among big business men is to issue as much stock as 
the profits will pay dividends upon. . . ." 

"If Henry Ford had been the ordinary big business man he would 
have done these things. . . ." 



(The Metropolitan, October, 1916.) 

. . . Men . . . will tell you: "the trouble with Henry Ford is 
that he has never had any experience in business." ". . . he isn't 
educated." . . . "He is that most dangerous of revolutionary — a man 
who translates platitudes into action." .... 



(Ford Times, 1917.) 

There are over ONE MILLION FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND 
Fords in service today. 

Practically ONE-HALF of all the cars on American highways 
are Ford cars. 

With more than one hundred different makers of automobiles in 
America, the Ford factory produces more than one-half of the 
entire product 

.... Ford service is ever close at hand. Eighty-six branch 
establishments and more than nine thousand Ford agents mean a 
Service as universal as the car. . . . 

201 



(Detroit News, February 11, 1017.) 

. . . Henry Ford states .... None has the right to incite the 
war spirit who will not himself be one of the first to shoulder a 

rifle and march to the front When war is fought, and it is 

fought by the young fellows who are now in the shops minding their 
own business. It is not fought by the speech-makers and pamphlet- 
writers and the solicitors of war orders. 



THE CASE OF HENRY FORD 



(Investing the Profit, August, 1918.) 

. . . Ford has built the world's largest automobile business 

With such a self-evident proposition you would think that he should 
have had no difficulty to raise capital. . . . Not so. People laughed 
at him, his car and his company. Banks and business men generally 
turned down Mr. Ford. Now they run after him 

New York, Sept. 24. — The Allied commissioners can't have a 
nickel of Henry Ford's millions. He said so today, emphatically and 
served notice that if any of his bankers participated in the proposed 
$500,000,000 deal he would draw out every cent of his accounts. 



(Ford Times, May, 1916.) 



. . . We will, and can, only have war when we force it on our- 
selves, by ourselves. Just now three internal forces are trying to 
"shoo" the United States into vast expense — and consequent heavy 
taxation, — to prepare for war, namely, makers of munitions for war; 
speculators in "war stocks" and greedy, selfish, soulless money len- 
ders. And what noise they are making! . . . 



(Detroit Journal, Sept. 18, 1916.) 

Henry Ford, published September 2 in regard to the recent 
railroad wage controversy . . . 

Mr. Ford's alleged statement that the railroad presidents are 
"messenger boys" for Wall Street 

202 



(The Detroit Journal, July 11, 1919.) 

Henry Ford's father, at the age of 20 emigrated from Brandon, 
Ireland, and settled on a 40-acre farm on Michigan Avenue, eight 
miles from Detroit. Fifteen years later he married Mary Litegott 
and there were six children, three boys and three girls, of whom 
Henry Ford, born July 30, 1863, was the oldest. 

From the first day Henry Ford started to work on his father's 
farm, he became determined to make an effort to make life for the 
farmer easier and more pleasant. Working toward this end he spent 
all his spare time "tinkering" with mechanical devices, establishing 
a repair shop on his father's farm. At 16 he left his father's farm 
and obtained a job as apprentice in the steam engine plant of Flower 
Bros. Detroit. Nine months later he went to work for the Dry 
Dock Engine Co., where he remained for two years becoming a first 
class machinist. 

At 19, Ford obtained another job as repair man for John Cheeny, 
state agent for a portable farm engine, being on the road in the 
summer and at his father's home in the winter where he enlarg-ed 
his machine shop. During the two years he passed in this work 
he developed a small farm steam tractor and made various electrical 
experiments. 

Runs a Sawmill. 

At 21, his father gave him 40 acres in Dearborn and Ford set- 
tled down to operating a sawmill in the winters and repairing farm 
steam engines for the Buckeye Harvester Co., during two summers. 

In his 24th year Henry Ford married Clara J. Bryant, built a 
home, cleared his farm and passed his time farming and building a 
steam road wagon which he never finished. After two years of this 
life he left the farm and went to work with the Detroit Edison Co. 
as night engineer at $45 a month, moving- his family to Detroit and 
establishing his machine shop in a small bam on Bagley Avenue, 
about the size of a present day back yard garage. 

The Edison Co., then made Ford chief engineer at $125 a month 
and he remained with that organization for seven years, working 
12 hours a day and putting in his evenings at his machine shop work- 
ing on the development of gas engines and the perfection of his 
second motor-driven vehicle which he brought out in 1898. In that 
year he left the Edison Co., and joined forces with the Detroit Auto- 
mobile Co., organized to produce this car. 

203 



Beginning of Cadillac Co. 

Henry Ford held one-sixth of the $50,000 capital stock of this 
concern with the position of chief engineer at $100 a month. He later 
left this organization and this resulted in a reorganization being ef- 
fected which changed the name of the company to the Cadillac Auto- 
mobile Co. That was in 1901, and immediately Ford purchased a 
shop at 81 Park Place where he began the construction of his third 
gasoline driven road vehicle. It came out in 1902 and it was this 
car that attracted Alex Y. Malcomson. 

Nothing in fiction approaches the amazing story of the Ford 
Motor Co.'s public success. It really began one day late in the win- 
ter of 1904, the year after the company was organized, when a 
roaring screeching thing of iron and steel, leaped and careened over 
the ice of Baltimore Bay at the Flats. 

This specter-like projectile was one of the first Ford stock 
cars, stripped for action on a one-mile race course dug through a 
foot and a half of snow and covered with cinders. At the wheel of 
this snorting speed demon clung a grim visaged man, wrapped in a 
heavy coat, the collar turned up about his chin and caught with 
a huge safety pin. It was Henry Ford, then better known as an 
inventor and automobile racer. 

Fame for Car. 

The car was out that day to break a record made at Daytona 
Beach, Florida, a few weeks previous by another Detroit car now 
a leader in its field. And a new record was established which was 
emblazoned in the Ford exhibit at the automobile show of 1904-5 
in Madison Square Garden, New York. 

It was that achievement that brought fame and fortune to the 
Ford Motor Co., and it was obtained almost at the cost of Henry 
Ford's life, for at the finish of that wild drive the car hit a snow- 
bank turned a couple of somersaults and catapulted its driver 20 or 
more feet through the air. 

This was but one of many such spectacular features connected 
with the early life of Henry Ford and the Ford Company. 

The Ford Company in its last published annual statement as of 
July 31, 1918, had total assets of $203,149,460 which included $37,- 
117,363 in real estate; $20,335,982 machinery and equipment; $44,- 
522,562 material in process of manufacture; $91,471,851 cash and ac- 
counts receivable; $67,981 patent rights; $1,231,906 inventories, and 
$1,815,000 investments. 

204 



Against this was checked liabilities of $2,000,000 capital stock; 
$10,653,327, accounts payable; $5,950,564, accrued expenses; $9,902,- 
841, depreciation reserve, and $175,242,728 surplus. 



(The Detroit News, July 11, 1920.) 

The Ford Motor Co. was 16 years old last month. 

It is turning out a daily average of 3,000 finished motor cars 
at the Highland Park plant. This — if the present rate of production 
is maintained — means 900,000 in a year of 300 working days. 

The Ford Motor Co. was organized June 16, 1903. 

The average of 34,500 men and women were employed at the 
Highland Park plant; 6,000 men at the River Rouge shipbuilding 
plant; 4,000 at the new blast furnace at River Rouge, and 250 men 
at the carburetor plant, or an average of 45,000 employes engaged 
in government work. 

The Ford Motor Co. came into being June 16, 1903. 

Twelve years before, Henry Ford, an employe of the Edison 
Company, began his experimental work on gasoline-driven motor cars. 
Because no parts for gasoline engines were available in this section 
of the country, he built the first car with his hands. The building 
took two years, but the car ran. Five years more were spent in 
further experiment and the building of a second car. Up to this 
time no efforts had been made to commercialize the invention. 

The Henry Ford Automobile Co. and the Detroit Automobile 
Co., successively organized to market the "horseless carriage," awak- 
ened little interest and died of inanition. 

In 1902, Henry Ford formed a copartnership with A. Y. Mal- 
comson, a coal dealer, and out of that partnership finally emerged, 
after many vicissitudes, the Ford Motor Co., now the world's big- 
gest automobile manufactory. 

Production Started. 

The basis of the partnership was Mr. Malcomson's agreement to 
pay all the expenses of the company — up to $3,000. A one-story 
structure on Mack Avenue was rented as a factory and production 
began. The $3,000 was soon spent and Malcomson had invested an 
additional $4,000 before satisfactory results were obtained. 

The partners then began looking about for more capital to carry 
on the work, but capital was scarce and the investing public was 

205 



not enthusiastic. Finally, a few hardy pioneers were found and the 
company was formed, Ford and Malcomson turning in their invention 
and rights for 51 per cent of the stock. 

The Dodge brothers, John F. and Horace E., who were then 
operating a machine shop in Detroit, subscribed for $5,000 of stock 
each, the money to be paid out of the profits on 650 chassis, for 
whose manufacture they were given the contract. 

John W. Anderson and Horace H. Rackham, law partners, who 
drew up the papers when the company was organized and were con- 
fident from the outset of the success of the venture, invested, against 
the advice of their banking acquaintances, $5,000 each. Mr. Back- 
ham borrowed the money on his real estate holdings and Mr. An- 
derson raised his share among relatives. 

John S. Gray, a conservative banker, was induced to take $10,000 
of the company stock and with it the presidency of the company, 
only after Mr. Malcomson had guaranteed him against pecu- 
niary loss. 

James Couzens, at that time a clerk in the employ of Malcom- 
son, at $1,800 a year, took his entire savings, $400, placed with it 
$500 presented to him by Mr. Malcomson, and $100 lent him by his 
sister, now Mrs. A. P. Haas, and with this and his note for 
$1,500, subscribed for $2,500 of the company stock. He was there- 
upon made secretary and business manager. He was likewise, if 
unofficially, its bookkeeper and cashier, his entire office force con- 
sisting of a one-armed stenographer. 

Success From Start 

Albert Strelow was another $5,000 investor. 

The venture was a success from the start. Five months after 
the organization of the company a dividend of 2 per cent was paid; 
a month later a 10 per cent dividend was declared; in January, 1904, 
the investors received a 20 per cent dividend, and six months later 
another of 68 per cent. By the end of the first year the stockholders 
were "on velvet;" they had received back every dollar invested. 

Despite the financial success of the company, the original partners 
did not work well in double harness, and in 1906 Mr. Malcomson 
offered to sell his interest to Mr. Ford for $175,000. The terms of 
the stock sale were $100,000 in cash and $75,000 in a note. By in- 
dorsing each other's notes, Ford and Couzens obtained the necessary 
money, and Mr. Ford gained control of the company. 

206 



Albeit Strclow later sold his stock to Mr. Couzens for $25,000. 
In September, 1914, the Ford Motor Co. published a balance sheet. 
This time it was the financial world that was astonished by the 
enormity of the figures, for the balance sheet showed a surplus of 
$50,000,000 and $27,000,000 in cash on hand or in banks. 

Then one day James Couzens, vice-president, announced his re- 
tirement from the company. No convincing reason was given for 
the action, but in well-informed circles it was said that the climax 
of many disagreements was reached in the attitude Mr. Couzens took 
toward Mr. Ford for his campaign against military preparedness and 
his efforts to "get the boys out of the trenches by Christmas." 

There had also been developing a wider breach between Mr. Ford 
and the Dodge brothers, who, it will be remembered, were original 
partners in the Ford Company, and who had established a factory 
of their own under the title Dodge Bros., for the manufacture of cars 
selling above the Ford market. 

This matter came to a head in November, 1916, when the Dodge 
brothers in their position as minority stockholders in the Ford Motor 
Co. began suit against Mr. Ford as the majority stockholder to com- 
pel a larger division of earnings among the stockholders. Previously 
Mr. Ford had announced the intention of the company to integrate 
itself further through the establishment of its own blast furnaces 
on the River Rouge and that it was also planned to double the size 
of the plant. 

As part of their suit, the Dodge brothers sought to prevent 
Mr. Ford from carrying out his designs. They took the position that 
the Ford Motor Co. had not the legal right to indulge in industry 
aside from the manufacture of motor cars, and also maintained that 
the company as then constituted, was a violation of the Michigan laws 
in that it represented investment in excess of $25,000,000 to which 
corporations were restricted by the state law governing corporations. 
The Dodge brothers also assailed the policy of Mr. Ford in reducing 
the price of the car as production increased. 

Filing of the suit disclosed to the public eye the enormous re- 
turn the company had been making to stockholders. For example, it 
was stated in the bill of complaint that in 1914 on a capital of $2,- 
000,000, dividends totaling $21,000,000 were paid! In May, 1915, a 
special dividend of $10,000,000 was paid, and in October, the same 
year, $5,000,000 more was distributed. In 1916, it was stated, the 
company earned $60,000,000, but no special dividend was paid. All 
this time the company had been paying a regular dividend of 5 

207 



per cent a month, 60 per cent a year or a return of $1,200,000 a 
year on the nominal capital of $2,000,000. 

The Dodge brothers began their suit. An injunction was issued 
restraining Mr. Ford from carrying on the work. The Court later 
allowed the work to proceed upon the filing of a bond by Mr. Ford 
for $10,000,000 to secure the Dodge brothers against loss. 

Then came the resignation of C. Harold Wills, looked on as the 
mechanical genius of the organization. He had become associated 
with Mr. Ford at the beginning of the company, leaving his employ- 
ment as a draughtsman with the Boyer Machine Co., to start on the 
path that was to make him a multi-millionaire and one of the highest- 
priced men in the industrial world. 

To Mr. Wills is given the credit for the design of many of the 
labor-saving machines that make the Ford Motor Co. a marvel in the 
realm of manufactures. He is also a steel expert and has to his 
credit the perfection of several processes which marked an epoch 
in the use of steel. 

Mr. Wills' resignation was closely followed by that of John 
R. Lee. Mr. Lee was an outstanding figure in the Ford organ- 
ization. 

Mr. Ford, himself, severed the close ties that bound him to the 
company when in the early part of the year he resigned the presi- 
dency to be succeeded by his son, Edsel B. Ford, who at 24 became 
head of a corporation whose figures ran into the hundreds of millions. 

Thus is ending the first epoch in the history of the Ford 
Motor Co. 

Its career as an actual corporation is coming to a close. On the 
basis of the purchase of stock from the minority stockholders it rep- 
resents a value in excess of $300,000,000. 

What does the second epoch hold ? 

The Ford-Dodge suit brought out the fact that Mr. Ford had 
dreams of a great expansion. He said it was his idea to develop 
the plant "for the greatest good of the greatest number." And it 
has been a Ford habit of the past to make good in a manufacturing 
way on what others said was "idle dreaming." 



(Detroit Journal, Nov. 7, 1916.) 

Everett, Wash., Nov. 7. — There was a pitched battle 

between 250 members of the Industrial Workers of the World and 

208 



a posse of 150 Everett citizens at the city dock Sunday, in which 
seven men lost their lives and 50 were wounded. 

The conversation between the sheriff and the Industrial Work- 
ers of the World was as follows: 

"Boys, I'd like to speak to the leader of the bunch. Who is 
your leader?" asked the Sheriff. 

"We're all leaders," shouted the men on the Verona in chorus. 

"I want to tell you," the Sheriff replied, "that you can't land 
in this town. You must stay on the boat and go back to Seattle. 
You can't land here." 

"The h-11 we can't," shouted a man standing in the bow of 
the boat 



Then the shooting began. 



Herbert L. Mahler, secretary-treasurer of the Seattle headquar- 
ters of the Industrial Workers of the World, today gave the follow- 
ing signed statement to the Associated Press concerning Sunday's 
riot at Everett: 

"We are going to charge every one of the vigilance committee 
at Everett with murder, and if possible bring a similar charge against 
every member of the Everett Commercial Club on the ground that 
they organized a band of man-handlers and instructed them what 
to do. We have eye-witnesses of Sunday's clash from among the 
men on shore as well as those on the boat, by whom we can prove 
that the first shot was fired by the vigilance committee. This fight 
really is a part of the open-shop campaign waged by the manufac- 
turers' association all along the Pacific Coast. 

(Signed) "HERBERT L, MAHLER." 



(Pacific Coast Metal Trades Worker, Jan. 24 ,1920.) 

"You shall not rob me, you contemptible profiteers," is what every 
citizen should consider it his duty to say, according to Assistant 
United States Attorney General C. B. Ames. Judge Ames also makes 
it quite clear whom he considers the profiteers. "While we, as com- 
mon citizens, were working our best to win the war," he states, 
"while our sons were in France, the United States Steel Corporation 
made $1,300,000,000 net profit. Is it any wonder the poor devils 
who work 12 hours a day, seven days a week, thought they were not 
getting their share of the plunder?" 

209 



BANK PROFITS 



(Union Record, December 18, 1919.) 

By W. H. Kauffman. 

We have all noticed how the big profiteers have fainted when 
they heard what the President was going to do to them. Here are 
the profits of the twelve federal reserve banks of the United States, 
as given in a Listman Service Company circular. Remember, these 
are the profits after the twelve banks have paid all the salaries 
and other expenses allowable; and remember, also, that the Presi- 
dent boasts inordinately of the great blessing conferred on the com- 
mon people by his federal reserve bank act. 

New York, 108.7 per cent; Kansas City, 75.4 per cent; San Fran- 
cisco, 67.2 per cent; Chicago, 61.6 per cent; Richmond, 57.2 per cent; 
Minneapolis, 54 per cent; Boston 52.4 per cent; Atlanta, 52.2 per 
cent; St. Louis, 51.3 per cent; Dallas, 49 per cent; Cleveland, 46.7 
per cent; Philadelphia, 43.2 per cent. Average, 68.7 per cent. 

Net earnings of these "peoples' " banks, $55,436,978. How rich 
we are all getting. Hurrah for President and property. 

Nearer home we have the (unprosecuted) timber barons. Years 
ago I bought lumber for my barn, 2x6, 32 feet long; many pieces 
absolutely clear, and all of very high grade, $8 and $9 per 1,000. 
Three sides surface made $1.50 extra. At that time logging cost 
about $4 on an average; milling something less. 

Yesterday I asked the price on lumber, four sides surfaced, and 
Bloedell-Donovan quoted $76 per thousand. Say that logging costs 
double what it did, and milling double its former cost, or $15 as 
compared with the former cost of $7.50. 

HOW MANY TIMBER BARONS HAVE BEEN PROSECUTED 
BY THE PRESIDENT FOR PROFITEERING? Several thousands 
of Socialists and labor union people have been arrested for attack- 
ing profiteers. We are living "behind the mirror" with Alice in 
Wonderland. 



(The Butte Daily Bulletin, Feb. 2, 1920.) 
Money Sent to Europe to Feed Starving Used to Build Mili- 



tary Establishments. 

210 



AN EQUAL CHANCE 



He was a fine young man, 

* * * 
Clean-looking and healthy 

* * * 
And he was talking 

* * * 
To a bunch of men 

* * * 
On the TRAIN, 



By Anise, 

(Union Record, December 3, 1919.) 

Nobody gave me a CENT! 



* * * 
ANYONE can be rich 

If he wants to!" 

* * * 
Then a quiet-looking fellow 

* * * 
Remarked: "You went to school, 



He said: "In this country 

* * * 
ANY young man 

* * * 
Can become RICH 

* * * 
If he WANTS to!! 

* * * 

We all have equal chance! 

I was born in Virginia; 

* * * 

I went to the university 

* * * 
And later started 

In a New York BANK, 



Common and high school 

* * * 
And four years university ? 



What did those four years cost?" 

"Well, I was frugal, 

* * * 
It cost my dad about 

* * * 
Seven hundred a year." 

* * * 
"And then in New York, 

* * * 
When you got your start 

* * * 

Your father paid your expenses?" 



And now I am worth 
♦ * * 
Seventv-five thousand! 



"Why, certainly he did! 

* * * 
Any young man 

211 



Would be glad to work 



Who went through 



Three years in a New York bank All the schools 

* * * * * * 
For the EXPERIENCE!" And the university, 

* * * * * * 
"And then," said the quiet man, And after that had 



"You went to Oklahoma, 

* * * 
And your father said 

* * * 
To the big-fellows r 

* * * 
Treat the boy right!' " 

* * * 
"Well, yes; I guess he did, 

* * * 

But nobody GAVE me a cent. 



"Well, could the little boy 

* * * 
Of NINE or TEN 

* * * 
In the COTTON MILLS 

* * * 
Of your state, 

* * * 
Could HE become rich 

Like YOU?" 

* * * 

"Of course," said the youth, 

"I didn't MEAN HIM!" 

* * * 

"You meant," said the quiet man, For THEM! 

"That any fellow 

212 



Three years special training 

* * * 
And had a wealthy dad 

* * * 
To boost him along, 

That HE could get rich! 

* * * 
Well, I'm not interested 

In THOSE young men, 

* * * 
They are only TWO per cent 

Of our country's people,* 



I'm thinking of 

The other ninety-eight! 

* * * 

And my idea of democracy 

* * * 

Takes THEM in, 

* $ * 

And my ideal of an equal chance 

* * * 

Means an equal chance 



THE FIGHT FOR LIBERTY 



By Eugene V. Debs. 

(The World, Oakland, Cal., January 23, 1920.) 

The fight we are in today to prevent our tongues from being 
tied and our lips from being sealed and the last vestige of our liberty 
destroyed demands that we stand together. 

If free speech is suppressed; if our literature is denied access 
to the mails, if free assemblage is prohibited our cause is lost at 
least for the present. 

We can only lose this fight by losing it ourselves. 

We can only win by winning it ourselves. 

Let the battle cry ring out all along the line. Get together and 
stand together like a wall of living granite until this battle is fought 
and the victory won for free speech, a free press, the right to freely 
assemble and the fundamental principles of democracy. 

Since my arrest I have been asked many times by sympathizing 
friends and comrades what they can do to help me. For me per- 
sonally they can do nothing and I wish nothing done. I have nothing 
to apologize for, nothing to take back and nothing to defend. I 
simply exercised my constitutional right and spoke the truth. If 
those sections of the espionage law that deal with the freedom of 
expression stand, the Constitution is void and liberty is dead. 

But while I ask nothing for myself I ask everything for the 
cause. If my friends and comrades would help me they can do 
it in but one way and that is to stand by the Socialist Party and 
support the cause for which it fights. . . . 



(Seattle Union Record, Feb. 3, 1920.) 

James A. Duncan said: "I have always understood that our 
government is of, for and by the people . . . We know that the 
government, in buying sugar for the army, made its purchases at 
about five cents per pound. At that time we were paying twice 
that much. If the government is of, for and by the people and the 
people are the government, then why should the government not be 
used to buy sugar for the people?" .... 

213 



(Same Paper.) 
Governor Frazier, of North Dakota, has petitioned the federal 
government to pardon Kate Richards O'Hare and restore her to 
her children. It will be remembered that Mrs. O'Hare was sentenced 
for opposing the war. The war being over, Governor Frazier sug- 
gests that we rise to the level taken by all the other countries and 
release political prisoners. Shake, Governor! We're with you! 



(Reconstruction, February, 1920.) 
By Amos Pinchot. 
. . . The people are exploited by the moneyed interests as never 
before 



(Same Paper.) 
By Alfred W. McCann.) 
. . . The sugar mistake represents but a single instance in a 
long series of blunders, which, in the aggregate, including live- 
stock, beef, pork, grain, flour, hides, leather, shoes and other food- 
stuffs and wearing apparel, have directly, not indirectly, added $10,- 
000,000,000 to the high cost of living. . . . 



(By Charles Edward Russell.) 

. . . According to Mr. Hines and other authorities there has been 
an increase in the cost of living of more than four billion dollars a year 
— $4,375,000,000 to be exact. Twenty-five per cent increase in freight 
rates would mean $875,000,000 a year of increased revenue to the 
railroads. Experience has shown that every increase in freight rates 
is multiplied five-fold by the time it gets to the consumer. The 
original producer of the commodity adds 25 per cent and a profit; 
every person that handles it thereafter adds his profit to the ac- 
cumulated rates and profits of all his predecessors. The statistics 
proved that five-fold was the total increase when the railroads three 
years ago put on a 15 per cent increase; there is no reason to sup- 
pose that in these days the increase would be less. 

An increase of $4,375,000,000 in the cost of living for the coun- 
try would mean an increase of $215 a year for every family in it. . . . 



(Same Paper.) 
By David Tappen. 
. . . Wages have risen, but who cares what wages are so long 
as there is an increase in labor cost to the consumer? . . . 

214 



(Same Paper.) 

(By Glenn E. Plumb.) 

The men who established this nation declared: "Government is 

instituted for the common good, for the protection, safety, prosperity, 

and happiness of the people, and not for the profit, honor or private 

interest of any one man, family, or class of men." . . . 



(Same Paper.) 
By Frank I. Cobb. 
For five years there has been no free play of public opinion 
in the world. . . . 



(Same Paper.) 
By Bernard Shaw. 
There were of course some happy people to whom the war 
meant nothing; all political and general matters lying outside 
their little circle of interest. . . . 



DEBS SPEECH A FACTOR IN ALBANY CASE 



(Seattle Union Record, January 29, 1920.) 

Albany, N. Y., Jan. 29.— (U. P.)— Eugene V. Debs today spoke 
from his prison cell in Atfanta, through the mouths of attorneys 
who are conducting the hearing of the five suspended Socialists. 

John B. Stanchfield, chief counsel for the judiciary committee, 
lead into the record Debs' speech at Cleveland, March 12, 1918, 
the last he delivered before beginning his ten-year sentence for 
violation of the Espionage Act. 

In his speech Debs referred to Christ as the first "Bolshevist," 
and placed Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry and 
Abraham Lincoln in the same category. 

The United States Supreme Court was characterized by him as 
"a group of fossils," and he said that tribunal "never decided any- 
thing and never will." 

After Stanchfield had read the portion of the speech he wished 
introduced, the Socialist lawyers insisted on its submission as a 
whole. Stanchfield revolted. A compromise was reached by S. J. 
Block, Socialist counsel, who completed the reading. 



(Seattle Union Record, January 24, 1920.) 
Washington, Jan. 24. — (United Press.) — Profiteers are "sand- 
bagging the pubblic," Senator Capper, Kansas, declared in a speech 
today. 



215 



Profiteering is becoming the last straw in the strained economic 
situation, he declared. He scored the Department of Justice for 
not being more aggressive in prosecuting profiteers. Capper advo- 
cated jailing them. 

Capper scored large earnings of big concerns, declaring that 
the wrath of the people is being stirred by this plundering. 

"The net profits of the American Woolen Company after federal 
taxes had been deducted were $2,778,600 in 1914 and $12,324,084 in 
1918," he declared. 

"The earnings of its common stock this year, according to the 
best Wall Street information, will exceed $100 a share, or more than 
the stock's par value. A year ago the watered stock of the com- 
pany, the chief textile company in the United States, was quoted 
on the stock exchange at $45. Today it is approximately $150 and 
in recent weeks has been quoted as high as $156. 

"For the wool that goes into a suit of clothes which sells for 
$100 the wool growers receive $7.37, says the Wool Growers' As- 
sociation. 

"It is a common occurrence for speculators on the cotton ex- 
change to boost the value of the crop $50,000,000 in a single day," 
Capper declared. 

Central Leather Stock, quoted at 58 points a share a year ago, 
is around 105 now, and one leather concern showed profits of 52 
per cent on its stock, he said. 

"Just now the greatest get-rich-quick game in America is 
gouging in sugar," Capper said. "Stock of the Cuban-American 
Sugar Company has advanced over 200 per cent in the last year, 
"probably because of the 'sugar shortage,' " he charged. 

Crucible Steel, 52 a year ago, is now 209, he said. "While we 
were sending our boys to France the United States Steel Corporation 
made $1,300,000,000," Capper declared. 

"We have 4,000,000 homeless people in the United States as 
a result of melon-cutting in lumber. There has been and is shame- 
3ess profiteering in that industry, yet weekly advances of $2 to 
$5 a thousand are not uncommon. In shameless and reckless greed 
the lumber barons now lead the procession. 

"All the quotations I have referred to conspire to prove that 
it is profiteering in manufactures, in the great industrial corporations, 
that has sandbagged the public, rather than profiteering by merchants 
who deal directly with the consumer. 

"For three years we have permitted it to do its worst to the 
devoted people who are the backbone of this nation. In that time 
we have made 18,000 brand new millionaires. 

"I earnestly urge as a remedy to meet this emergency an active 
prosecution of profiteers followed by their imprisonment and a law 

216 



requiring every manufacturer to attach to every article he produces 
the exact price he receives for it. The people can help themselves, 
too, if they will organize to boycott the profit hogs by refusing to 
buy goods offered at extortionate prices." 



A TEACHERS' STRIKE 



(Seattle Union Record, January 24, 1920.) 

One day early this week 331 Chicago teachers simply failed to 
show up in the morning. Some 14,000 children had to be billeted 
on to other teachers. The second clay 1,000 teachers did not come 
to school. 

That afternoon the president of the board announced an average 
increase of $50 per month in the teachers' salaries, and the follow- 
ing day they were all back at work. 

Strikes seem to be creeping into the educational world .... 

There are many people who will hold up their hands in horror 
at t'.ie thought of teachers striking. But there is no real reason for 
this attitude, except a natural aversion to anything new. 

Strikes are always undesirable when a needed change can be 
brought about with less upset in the continuity of things. But there 
is no particular reason why it is a greater hardship to deprive 
children of a couple of days schooling than it is, for instance, to 
make everyone walk downtown, or to close all the restaurants, 
or to tie up the telephones. 

A strike by cooks, or telephone operators, or street car men 
or any one of a score of unions, disorganizes the community life far 
more than a teachers' strike. It is only the novelty of a teachers' 
strike that shocks some people, together with their fear that at last 
the teachers may be coming to understand the point of view of labor. 



THE YELLOW JOURNALIST 

(Seattle Union Record, January 28, 1920.) 
He takes a sheet of paper, pure and clean and white; 
He dips his pen in vitrol ('tis only thus he'll write). 
He cares not whom he injures with his dirty, slimy lies, 
Just so he draws his pay check — and fools may think him wise. 
He'll defame men and women — help railroad to the pen 
Folks whose only crime has been they loved their fellow men. 
He appeals to evil prejudices; he stirs up civil strife; 
H? daily blasphemes liberty and the highest aims of life. 
In the name of law and order he advocates mob rule. 
He does his master's bidding — he's a spineless, willing tool. 
He poisons at its source the news we read for fact, 

217 



He distorts and modifies the truth — this literary hack. 
He deals in puerile sophistry to snare the ignorant, 
He's a sneaking, crawling viper, an intolerant sycophant. 
He's always for the big guy and against the poor and weak, 
He won't fight in the open — he's a mean and cowardly sneak. 
There's no name yet invented that fits this base galoot, 
The smallest thing on earth — an intellectual prostitute. 
He writes on paper pure and white, this petty penny-hack. 
He clips his pen in vitriol; the words he writes are black! 

— W. JULIAN, Portland. 



(Same Publication, Same Date.) 
. . . The vast majority of the people of Russia — simple folks — 
with little objective learning, kept in ignorance by the sinister class 
that had ruled them for hundreds of years — gradually acquired a 
social instinct, by which they knew that the class that ruled, de- 
graded and enslaved them was sinister. This social instinct finally 
became so powerful that the little things that ruled them went 
scampering. The rulers of Russia have also acquitted their class 
instincts. They were based upon the intention of ruling and rob- 
bing the people of Russia as much as possible and for all time. 



THE WAY WE LIVE 



By Walter J. Matherly. 
(Same Publication, Same Date.) 

While none would advocate a return to the domestic system, yet 
the factory system with its capitalists and laborers, its landlords 
and tenants, its industrial aristocrats and "wage slaves," is not an 
unmitigated blessing. Many are the objective features attached to 
it. Great is the number of its slums and tenements as well as the 
number of its restricted residence districts and magnificent mansions. 
Thousands of miles has it separated the owners and workers socially, 
industrially, and economically. There is no more practical personal 
touch between them than there is between the inhabitants of Mars 
and the inhabitants of the Earth. 

This gulf between the modern rich man and the modern Lazarus, 
or between the absentee capitalistic owners and the workers and 
managers who are in the thick of the industrial fight, this absentee 
system of industrial ownership which the factory system has ushered 
in, presents a problem of great magnitude, is costly beyond measure, 
and indicates the final struggle of the centuries. Manifold indeed are 
the losses which this absentee industrialism entails upon modern 
productive activities when judged by the normal of social and eco- 
nomic efficiency 

218 



THE CALL OF THE NEW DAY 



By Rev. Claude W. Warren. 
(Same Publication, Same Date.) 

. . . We used to think that Christ was a fiction of the priests. 
But now we know that he was a man like us, a working man who 
had a heart for the poor. These men claimed to have found their 
Christ not in the doctrines of the Christian church but in the re- 
alities of the Christian life. This situation existing before the war 
has been re-emphasized in the recent crisis. The world's workers if 
alienated from the world's religion would constitute a tragedy far 
deeper than the war itself. Religion and industry were meant for 
each other. It is the genius of religion to exalt and dignify the 
cause of labor. Christianity, born in a manger, nursed in the home 
of poverty, disciplined at the carpenter's bench, became the cham- 
pion of the poor and weak. 

"Not many wise . . . not many mighty, not many noble" were 
among its first adherents. It made its appeal then as it does now 
to the cause of human brotherhood and the promotion of hu- 
man justice 



MILLIONS GOING HUNGRY 



(Grit, December 17, 1916.) 

.... A total of 25,287,000 people in countries stricken by the 
Euiopean war aie suffering in extreme destitution and helplessness 
.... and children have not enough clothing to keep them warm. . . . 

Three million destitute persons in Belgium are kept alive by 
relief furnished by the American Commission for Relief in Belgium. 
. . . This number is about one-half of the present inhabitants of 
the kingdom. They are drawing daily one meal. . . . 

Women and children go barefoot In Serbia 5,000,000 per- 
sons are sufferers. . . . 

Eleven million homeless wanderers, mostly women and children, 
are suffering from exposure, hunger and disease in Poland. . . . 

In the Caucausus and Persian Armenia there are 200,000 sur- 
vivors of whom 50,000 are girls under 15 and 60,000 are boys 
under 15. This makes 1,000,000 persons in all who have no means 
to help themselves. . . . 



(Soviet Russia, Jan. 24, 1920.) 
... At present moment there remain in France about 60,000 
Russian soldiers who are treated worse than prisoners of war. 

219 



PREPAREDNESS 



By Scott Nearing. 
(Seattle Union Record, October 18, 1919.) 

Standing armies are maintained in all of the great cities of 
the world. Chicago has 5,000; New York, 10,000 policemen. Day 
and night these men are detailed to keep watch and ward. Over what ? 

One man in the city of New York has a house that cost $5,000,- 
000; another used 200 tons of coal to keep himself and his family 
warm during the winter of coal famine; a woman provided with all 
the necessaries of life spends nearly $60,000 for an opera coat; silver, 
gold, precious stones, silks, velvets, laces, costly furnishings — all 
of the most gorgeous luxuries that life affords are at the disposal 
of the rich. 

Men in the same city work 54 hours a week for $20, and from 
that $20 try to support a family of five. More than 200,000 chil- 
dren go to school hungry; cellars, sub-basements, rookeries and attics 
are rented at extortionate prices for human habitation. 

The rich and the poor live side by side within a stone's throw 
of one another. The rich enjoy wealth that they have neither pro- 
duced nor earned 



SEEKING A NEW WAY 



By Gregory Zilboorg. 
(The Dearborn Independent, Oct. 4, 1919.) 

No word nowadays is so hazy and ill defined as the word Social- 
ism. Twenty years ago the term, as applied to an ultimate social 
order, seemed adequate enough. Today, however, we are witness- 
ing a new turn of history and friends and enemies alike must ac- 
knowledge the fact that social evolution is being replaced by a 
process of social revolution. The British struggle for nationaliza- 
tion of the mines, the American Plumb Plan, the mortal combat in 
Italy and France against the profiteers, and the Russian communis- 
tic wave are only different phases of the same social process. It is 
strange to note that, at present, in such a vital situation, those who 
formerly marched under the banner of Socialism are increasingly 
separated, their organizations split asunder. The question is con- 
tinually recurring — who is right, who sees the solution most clearly 
— the I. W. W. with its direct action, Lenine with his permanent rev- 
olution, Scheidemann and Noske with their gradual development, or 
Henderson with his constitutionalism? 

Evidently we are now witnessing the last phase of the disin- 
tegration and collapse of the old Socialist movement 

220 



THE BOSTON POLICE STRIKE 



By W. Harris Crook. 
(The Socialist Review, December, 1919.) 

Nine lives lost and about $200,000 of damage to glass and prop- 
erty in Boston City is but part of the price paid by the authorities 
for refusing to allow the police to affiliate their union with the 
A. F. of L. Perhaps the most lasting effect is the wreck of the 
long and well-trained police force and the conversion of thousands 
of erstwhile easy going labor men into hot rebels against the in- 
justice done the patrolmen by the Governor, the Police Commissioner 
and the Boston press. 

Members of the Boston Fire, Water and Treasury Departments 
for many months have been affiliated with the A. F. of L., but the 
police were not eligible until the A. F. of L. summer conference 
amended its constitution. Thereupon some nine hundred patrol- 
men promptly applied for a charter under the new A. F. of L. rul- 
ing and not for thirteen days afterwards did Police Commissioner 
lay down his new Police Rule No. 35, forbidding police membership 
in any organization that would affiliate with any group save the 
American Legion, the G. A. R. or the Spanish War Veterans. 



AMERICANISM 



By Edwin J. Brown. 
(Seattle Union Record, January 31, 1920.) 

When we find one (or he find us) who blathers and prates about 
his Americanism, winds, decorates, drapes and covers himself with 
an American flag and has his pictures taken a dozen ways, goes out 
lecturing on "One Hundred Per Cent Americanism" (for the money 
there is in it) you just look up that man's record. 



(Same Paper.) 
". . . The answer of the capitalist class: 
Work and pray . . . 
You'll have pie in the sky when you die.' 



(Same Paper.) 
"The church has a good rule of never canonizing anyone until 
he is dead." 

221 



(From Appeal to Reason.) 
". . . Henry Ford was asked to become Senator . . . and the 
interests spent $5,000,000 to beat him. But they did not realize 
what they were up against . . . Ford now has a whole investigation 
bureau at work. 



(National Civil Liberties Bureau, New York.) 
". . . Of those prosecuted under the Espionage law, there is 
not one case in which the prisoner was convicted of being a paid 
German spy, or of even trying to find out military secrets." 



SAYINGS OF WELL KNOWN MEN AND 
WOMEN 



"Henry Ford has cracked the shell of hell . . ." — Allan L. Benson. 

"The average . . . American knows that all war is murder, at 
least when it is a capitalists' war . . ." — Linn A. E. Gale. 

"The returned soldier will find out who his real friends are." — 
W. D. Lane. 

"I feel indebted for the liberty we now have to Tom Paine." — 
R. G. Ingersoll. 

"The time is coming when Emma Goldman will be better under- 
stood."— C. E. S. Woods. 

"Don't forget that Ford and Suhr are serving a lifetime sen- 
tence for their activities in behalf of the workers in the California 
hop fields." — J. P. Thompson. 

"Interest is usury." — John Ruskin. 

"What do people mean by 'Our Country'? Whose country?" — 
Alexander Berkman. 

"We recognize only the producer." — Jim Larkin. 

"Solidarity will bring what belongs to us." — Tom Mann. 

"War . . . What for?"— George R. Kirkpatrick. 

"The label on a bottle doesn't change the contents." — Jack 
Kavanaugh. 

"The working people will soon have control." — Jim Fisher. 

222 



". . . There are in America 4,000,000 children and 7,000,000 

women in the workshops." — William D. Haywood. 

"People are beginning to understand why Joe Hill, Frank Little 
and Cail Liebknecht were murdered." — Elizabeth Gurley Flynn. 

". . . We don't want any more guns or soldiers . . ." — Helen 
Keller. 

"The people are awakening fast." — Mother Jon< is. 

"Women will soon have their rights." — Emeline Pankhuist. 

"We don't want profit, rent, or interest." — Kate O'Hare. 

"I see ... at last the Star of Freedom shining." — Miss Anna 
Louise Strong. 

"The capitalistic system is tottering. What has it given us for 
the ten million lives that the human family has lost in the world's 
war? It has given us a National debt on which we can never 
pay the interest, let alone the original amount. Then why worry 
about something we cannot pay. — Kate Greenhalgh. 

". . . The I. W. W. draws no race, creed or color line . . ." — A. 
Phillip Randolph. 

"Only those who challenge capitalist ownership of industry have 
a logic right to demand changes in the present methods of man- 
aging and operating the industries." — Walker C. Smith. 

"Preparation for war means an increased burden of taxes for 
everyone . . ." — Clyde H. Tavenner. 

". . . There is only one thing to ask concerning a man and his 
act: 'Was he on my side'?" — Clarence Darrow. 

"Solidarity of Labor is growing." — J. E. Snyder. 

"Brutality in jails must go." — Wm. R. Anderson. 

"Working people ought to own their own stores." — Edwin J. 
Brown. 

"Many things are done in the name of Law and Order, which 
are not always in the interest of our country." — Ralph S. Pierce. 

"The unskilled worker is discovering what the I. W. W. organi- 
zation stands for." — Ralph Chaplin. 

"The workers' hour will come the minute they get together." — 
Fred Moore. 

223 



"The I. W. W. finds not only the politician an obstacle in the 
way of prog-ress, but also the pretentious and unprincipled labor 
fakir." — Harry Feinberg. 

"We must broaden out and not allow ourselves to go blind with 
labels or 'isms'." — M. J. Smith. 

"Capitalism, in the war-ridden countries at least, has passed 
into that purely military stage, anticipated by Jack London in his 
. . . book, The Iron Heel'."— Max Eastman. 

"The I. W. W.'s are the pioneers of a new society." — Eugene 
Belmont. 

"The workers make the money, the Copper Trust gets it." — 
William Cleary. 

"I found that Solidarity among workers in Europe is greater than 
here." — John Mooney. 

"Leaders never can emancipate the working class. They will 
have to do that themselves." — W. F. Dunn. 

"Never mind the 'isms'. Let's get the Six Hour Day." — John 
M. McDonald. 

"Wendell Phillips and William Lloyd Garrison were the I. W. W.'s 
of 1850; they were jailed for their principles . . ." — George F. Van- 
derveer. 



224 



L6de20 



• 



INGERSOLL'S VISION OF 
THE FUTURE 



(The Crucible, Dec. 14, 1919.) 

"A vision of the future arises. I see a world 
where thrones have crumbled and where kings are 
dust. The aristocracy of idleness has perished from 
the earth. I see a world without a slave. Man at 
last is free. Nature's forces have by science been 
enslaved. Lightning and light, wind and wave, frost 
and flame, and all the secret subtle powers of the 
earth and air are tireless toilers for the human 
race. I see a world at peace, adorned with every 
form of art, with music's myriad voices thrilled, 
while lips are rich with words of love and truth; 
a world in which no exile sighs, no prisoner mourns; 
a world where labor reaps its full reward, where 
work and worth go hand in hand, where the poor 
girl, trying to win bread with a needle— the needle 
that has been called "the asp for the breast of the 
poor"— is not driven to the desperate choice of crime 
or death, of suicide or shame. I see a world with- 
out the beggar's outstretched palm, the miser's 
heartless, stony stare, the piteous wail of want, the 
livid lips of lies, the cruel eyes of scorn. I see 
a race without disease of flesh or brain— shapely 
and fair, married harmony of form and function, 
and as I look, life strengthens, joy deepens, love 
canopies the earth; and over all in the great dome 
shines the eternal star of human hope." 



The Roman Catholic Church also wants Mexico 
invaded, knowing that in return for her help Wall 
Street would give the church carte blanc for loot- 
ing the poor peons. 



.., 



<§> 



The article printed below was sent in by Jos. 
Schaffer, 335 Sixth Street, San Diego, California. 



A CAPITALIST CONFESSES 



By Rudolph Spreckles, Millionaire President of the 
First National Bank of California. 



Congress is continually asked to protect cap- 
ital and its methods of high finance. Protection 
and opportunity to continue earnings upon their 
water securities while human beings starve, are de- 
manded by men who know not hunger or want. 
Let not the spark of human kindness die in Amer- 
ica. We must not tolerate a continuation of com- 
mercial greed and the placing of dollars above hu- 
man rights and needs. 

Europe is demonstrating today the inevitable re- 
sult which the policy of commercial greed leads to. 
The toll in money and in human life now being 
paid at the altar of governmental submission to the 
demands of capitalism should be a warning that 
no intelligent American can afford to ignore. 

My writings may shock the members of my so- 
called class, but my belief in them is still sufficiently 
strong to warrant me in hoping that if they will 
but take a step outside the blinding influence of 
their selfish environment, a new light will dawn 
upon them, and then there will be hope that the 
United States of America may go forward and for- 
ever live in accord with the intention, purpose and 
mandate of this nation's founders. 



